Liebmann and Shively,P.A.:Local Government and Education Law
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George W. Liebmann



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Obama’s Mitterrand Moment

by George W. Liebmann

President Obama’s centralizing proposals have met the same fate as those presented at the inception of President Francois Mitterand’s presidential term. Mitterand’s left-wing program rapidly collided with economic realities. Obama’s delegation of legislative initiative to Democratic House leaders, representatives of gerrymandered constituencies who are neglectful of moderate opinion, has similarly collided with economic and political realities. Even the Massachusetts electorate understands that the health care proposals were unduly centralizing and not honestly funded, and that the nation cannot afford compounding deficits.. Mitterand drew appropriate conclusions from his initial setbacks, thereafter pursuing moderate economic policies and a program of revenue-sharing and political decentralization revitalizing French regions and municipalities.

This has been to date no reform administration, though it follows 16 years of inadequate leadership. When it is considered that the Defense, State, Treasury and Justice Departments are all led by the alumni of two failed administrations, no one had a right to expect an administration which would "cleanse, reconsider, and restore."

There has been a stimulus bill, which holds the states harmless from any need to rationalize their pension and retirement benefits and public school systems. Twenty-year retirements, Cadillac health insurance plans, and lockstep seniority increases are left undisturbed. Two foundering bills, drafted in the House Democratic caucus and on K Street addressed health care and global warming; both aggrandize federal executive power , while providing new opportunities for Wall Street and the insurance companies. The abuses of options and derivative trading remain unreformed and indeed uninvestigated; the Senate of Hugo Black and David Walsh is now the Senate of Charles Schumer and Chris Dodd. Education ‘reform’ takes the form of continuation of the Bush administration’s top-down tinkering, care being taken not to threaten the education schools, single-salary schedule, or huge county bureaucracies.

Baby steps have been taken to reform drug policy; the states may decriminalize possession , but are precluded from creating lawful channels of distribution. The worst abuses of the ‘terror war’ have been curbed, but there has been no systemic exposure of them, or reassertion of Justice Jackson’s principles: "that the executive power be under the law, and that the law be made by parliamentary deliberations"; that "emergency powers are consistent with free government only when their control is lodged elsewhere than in the Executive that authorizes them"; and that "procedural due process must be a specialized responsibility within the competence of the judiciary on which they do not bend before political branches of the government."

Gasoline taxes and congestion charging have been all but renounced . The departments of agriculture and interior have been treated as political throwaways. Federally-assisted housing is the playground of a few politically-favored developers in each major city; mention of foreign initiatives like accessory apartments, land readjustment districts, pre-school playgroups and old age clubs draws a blank stare from American housing bureaucrats.


There is another way, but it has not been taken. It would involve renunciation of centralization . Legislation would not take the form of 900 page bills appearing to be the work of an intoxicated centipede, but would in Learned Hand’s words "proliferate a purpose." The laws creating the Social Security System and the British National Health Service were each about 5% of the length of the Democrats’ recent creations. Professor Hayek’s principle of "uniform rules laid down in advance" has much to be said for it; what people want is what Kipling called "Leave to live by no man’s leave/ Underneath the law." The primary care provisions of the British health service were wildly popular when adequately funded; they rest on a single-payer voucher system that frees doctors from claims forms and meager payments from multiple insurers. The higher reaches of the system require market signals, appropriately provided by catastrophic insurance. A properly educated public will accept gradually increasing gasoline and carbon taxes to reduce looming future deficits in preference to a cap and trade scheme gutted by lobbyists and understood by no one except the investment bankers who will profit from it.

The insurance industry, which is actually solvent, should remain under the state control in which it was placed by Charles Evans Hughes’ reforms in New York and left by the Mc Carran-Ferguson Act. The Glass-Steagall Act and Public Utility Holding Company Act should be restored insofar as it is possible to do so. New Deal reforms produced a fifty-year period in which financial failures were unknown , power was cheap and reliable, banks and utilties were of modest size and could be adequately regulated, and their proxy statements could be read without inducing nausea.

In such a regime, both free markets and public facilities would have a place, but the state capitalism of the Paulson-Geithner era would be brought to an end. Reform of science teaching in high schools and of the drug war would be regarded as of equal importance to ‘global warming’ and reform of health care. School reform would be an exercise in self-liquidating power which would entail weakening the vise-like grip of the teachers unions and education schools, by requiring (as in Britain, Australia and New Zealand) all federally-assisted schools to have community governance by their own boards, unimpaired by pre-existing state certification requirements and restrictions on personnel changes and extra compensation imposed by union agreements,

That Mr. Obama is sincere in his centralizing exhortations there is no doubt. But Tocqueville could have explained to him why they have just fallen on so many deaf ears: "Sometimes the centralized power, in its despair, invokes the assistance of the citizens; it says to them" ‘You shall act just as I please, as much as I please, and in the direction which I please. You are to take charge of the details, without aspiring to guide the system; you are to work in darkness, and afterwards you may judge my work by its results.’ These are not the conditions on which the alliance of the human will is to be obtained; it must be free in its style, and responsible for its acts or (such is the constitution of man) the citizen had rather remain a passive spectator, than a dependent actor, in schemes with which he is unacquainted…If in the midst of this general disruption, you do not succeed in connecting the notion of right with that of private interest, which is the only immutable point in the human heart, what means will you have of governing the world except by fear?"

The writer is the author of Solving Problems Without Large Government: Devolution, Fairness and Equality (Praeger, 200, reprinted as Neighborhood Futures (Transaction Books, 2004), among other works.

Beyond drug law reform: We need a new Wickersham Commission

George W. Liebmann
2010-01-11

Change is in the offing for U.S. drug policy. More than a dozen states, including Maryland, have adopted medical marijuana laws. Attorney General Eric Holder, a decisive member of a sometimes indecisive administration, stated that federal laws against marijuana possession would not be enforced against persons immune under such state laws.

Various jurisdictions in California and Colorado have begun to tax "medical marijuana," which provides an ever-growing exception to prohibitory legislation like that provided for "medicinal alcohol" during Prohibition. Referendum campaigns are under way in California and other states looking toward complete repeal of laws against marijuana possession.

These developments present a different picture from that of five years ago, when the Supreme Court declined to extend its "federalism" cases to impugn the federal law against marijuana possession.

Alcohol prohibition fell victim to its own abuses and to a campaign led by two groups: the former distillers, vintners and brewers and the very rich who hoped that alcohol taxes would replace the husk of the income tax remaining after the Mellon tax cuts. Until recently, a comparable coalition for drug law modification has been lacking.

It has now appeared. The recession has produced growing concern with the effect of over-criminalization on state budgets and the dockets of federal courts; the Rockefeller drug laws are under attack not only by the usual liberal and libertarian suspects but by the Republican governors of Texas and California and even former Attorney General Edwin Meese. There is not merely domestic, but, as with the demise of school segregation, foreign pressure, in the form of the recent Report of the Latin American Commission on Drugs and Democracy. There is also growing realization that testing and treatment programs have done more than the criminal law to contain drug abuse in the military and work force, and the AIDS crisis has given an urgent public health dimension to once-controversial "harm reduction" programs like needle exchange and methadone maintenance of heroin addicts.

Although Mr. Holder's pebble may help to provoke an avalanche of change, little thoughtful consideration has been given to channeling changes that are clearly in the offing. Nonenforcement or repeal of laws against drug possession does not by itself produce legal sources of supply or defund the underworld; nor does it foster alternative social controls in the form of education, mandatory testing or treatment.

Some states in their medical marijuana laws have sought to do this by authorizing individual cultivation of limited numbers of plants, a source clearly preferable to reliance on the drug cartels but one that raises problems of its own respecting quality control and amenability to taxation. The seriously addictive drugs, or some of them, require more controlled approaches than marijuana (although with respect to all drugs, a system of regulation that enlists rather than repudiates the laws of economics would be welcome).

If change is not to instigate another series of culture wars, some detached analysis and discussion is in order. The disintegration of national Prohibition led President Herbert Hoover to create the Wickersham Commission in 1931. While that commission produced inconclusive recommendations, its factual reports and the statements of its individual members had enduring influence.

The report exposed the inadequacies of the probation and parole systems, the corruption of the enforcement agencies, bad criminal statistics and abuses of the "third degree" in questioning of suspects, setting in motion enduring reforms. It carried with it a sense of urgency, most eloquently expressed in the separate statement of Frank Loesch of the Chicago Crime Commission: "If not soon crushed these criminal organizations may become as they are now seeking to become super-governments and so beyond the reach of the ordinary processes of the law," a statement resonating in Mexico, Colombia, and some of our large cities, not excluding Baltimore.

The Roosevelt administration wisely adopted the policy urged by New Orleans lawyer Monte Lemann: "If an experiment with government control [of legalized distribution] is to be undertaken, it appears to me better that it should be undertaken by the individual states," a recommendation echoed in a 1994 report on drug law reform issued by the Association of the Bar of the City of New York, and one strikingly successful in the context of alcohol. Local public opinion was heeded, and a patchwork of state monopolies, licensing laws, price controls, local prohibition ordinances, and punishments of drunk driving and other abuses ended gangsterism and continues to give general if not complete satisfaction, while removing a once-volatile question from national politics.

Is President Barack Obama less a progressive than President Hoover? Does he fear what a commission including persons like Mr. Meese, Governors Rick Perry of Texas and Arnold Schwarzenegger of California, New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, and a host of public health experts and police chiefs might recommend?

George Liebmann, a Baltimore lawyer, is the volunteer executive director of the Calvert Institute for Policy Research and the author of "The Common Law Tradition: A Collective Portrait of Five Legal Scholars." His e-mail is george.liebmann2@verizon.net.

Copyright © 2010, The Baltimore Sun

Reforming Certiorari Jurisdiction

George W. Liebmann
2009-12-24

This indignant screed is prepared in support of a proposal circulated by Professors Paul Carrington and Roger Cramton and endorsed by several dozen judges, academic lawyers and practitioners. The proposal would somewhat enlarge the Supreme Court’s docket and transfer control of most of it to a certiorari division of the Supreme Court consisting of five Court of Appeals judges appointed in rotation by the Judicial Conference, which would be empowered to grant between 100 and 120 certiorari petitions per year.1

The premise is that the Supreme Court is the capstone of a judicial system, not a free-floating island in the clouds, responsible only to itself. In the words of the late Philip Kurland, "the law makes demands upon judges as well as upon litigants."2

Dissatisfaction with the Supreme Court’s role rests on the widespread view that it misunderstands the function of courts. The role of the magistrate, in Aristotle’s view,3 was corrective justice, the vindication of pre-existing expectations. The criminal law punishes deviation from settled standards. The civil law compensates or assesses persons for deviation from settled rules. Changes in the law, so-called distributive justice, are to come from elsewhere: from the ruler in authoritarian societies, from the legislature in democratic ones. In this vision, courts provide what Professor Hayek called "rules fixed and announced beforehand"4; what Kipling in an unfashionable context called "Leave to live by no man’s leave/ Underneath the law."

Is this what we have? I think not. The startling though obscure case of Rogers v. Tennessee,5 a 5 to 4 opinion by Justice O’Connor declaring that courts, unlike legislatures, may retroactively invent new criminal offenses, showed this. (The dissenters in that case were Justices Stevens, Scalia, Thomas and Breyer). Nulla poena sine lege is viewed as an old Latin tag, without contemporary relevance.6 The Supreme Court behaves as a revolutionary committee or, increasingly, as a counter-revolutionary one. Its mission is popularly seen as the production of thunderbolts, founded on the due process and equal protection clauses and perhaps on the even vaguer and more mysterious privileges and immunities clause.

The public remembers that abortion and sodomy, once condemned as criminal acts, were suddenly transformed into constitutional rights, and wonders whether the same thing is to take place with respect to firearms display in cities and the subdivision and development of environmentally protected lands. In the heyday of the Warren Court, Sidney Hook warned that the inevitable reaction would bring to power persons who were not only conservative, but illiberal. 7 If you wish to contemplate the intolerance of some for popular legislation, I commend to you the agenda for future litigation set out in Clint Bolick’s David’s Hammer.8

Conflicts among circuits multiply and settled law becomes ever more unclear, as documented in the literature supporting the abortive proposal for a National Court of Appeals9. It is inaccurate to suggest that the Supreme Court now favors narrow judgments, consistent with Edward Levi’s realistic vision of the law as a ‘moving classification system.’10 Rather it favors purely discretionary judgments, affording the lower courts no guidance at all.

Discretionary law is more onerous than strict or intermediate scrutiny; it involves complete substitution of judgment. ‘Strict scrutiny’ was justified in Carolene Products11 on the basis of disenfranchisement; as Professor Owen Fiss pointed out 35 years ago, the disenfranchisement has vanished but the habit of intense review remains.12 Righteousness has been succeeded by self-righteousness.

Let us recall five examples, all involving matters central to free government:

In Bush v. Gore,13 we were told that the standard by which the court would review non-uniform election counting practices "is limited to present circumstances. . . some assurance that the rudimentary requirements of equal treatment and fundamental fairness are satisfied."

In United States v. Booker,14 Justice Breyer’s opinion, supported by the decisive vote of Justice Ginsburg, enunciated a standard for review of thousands of criminal sentences described as follows: "unreasonableness, having regard for the factors to be considered in imposing a sentence and the reasons for the imposition of the particular sentence as stated by the District Court."

In Parents United v. Seattle,15 we were told by Justice Kennedy’s decisive concurrence that racial categorization in pupil assignments was "presumptively invalid" but might be all right when "other demographic factors plus special talents and needs are also considered."

In Hunt v. Cromartie, 16 a 5-4 decision, Justice O’Connor, who had previously condemned racial gerrymandering, provided the decisive vote for Justice Breyer’s opinion saying that it was all right when "politics predominantly accounts for the result."

In the worst default of all, the much-praised Hamdi case,17 involving personal liberty properly so called, freedom from arbitrary confinement by the executive, the plurality opinion of Justices O’Connor, Rehnquist, Kennedy and Breyer–do not forget Breyer- effectively blessed the executive detention of a U.S. citizen for four years without so much as an administrative hearing What this did for liberty, let alone Active Liberty, is woefully unclear; The District Courts were invited to look into the detention, receiving this illuminating bit of guidance: "some system for a citizen detainee to refute his classification. . . a fact-finding process that is both prudent and incremental."

Such decisions reflect not law, but the absence of law. Our proposal would allow the judges of the Courts of Appeal, through certiorari grants, to interrogate the Supreme Court as to their meaning.

It is true that if the majority of its docket were controlled elsewhere, the Supreme Court’s discretion would decrease. How has this discretion been utilized?

Recently, a thoughtful Baltimore student of urban development, Charles Duff, inspired by the recent Irish EEC referendum, invited Americans to celebrate the European constitutional development of the last 60 years, which he likened to the American Founding.18 That development, you will recall, began with the Schuman Plan and the Euratom project, focusing on iron, steel and nuclear power, thought to be the commanding heights of the economy.

I invite you to contemplate which industries in recent years have received the greatest degree of guidance and attention from our Supreme Court. Search of one’s memory reveals that it has focused like a laser beam on a commanding height of our economy, represented by the nude dancing industry, which has received legal guidance in no fewer than six plenary opinions.19 The internet pornography industry is not far behind 20. The rare phenomenon of third-term abortions has received much attention, as has the even rarer phenomenon of capital punishment of juveniles.

It is perhaps unfair to blame the clerks and the certiorari pool for this peculiar emphasis on the birds and the bees and children’s rights. I sometimes gain the impression that there is a secret room in the basement of the Supreme Court building where the editorial board of the National Enquirer convenes each fall to make up a portion of the Supreme Court docket. Certainly the Court has outdone itself this year. Not only do we have the Mojave Desert cross case,21 but also the animal cruelty pornography case,22 the happiest cert pool discovery since that all-time favorite, "Bong Hits for Jesus."23 As Judge Tjoflat will tell you, his colleagues and the District judges have been panting with eagerness in anticipation of the valuable guidance this case will supply, to say nothing of the great waves of cases involving crosses, creches, ten commandment postings, pledges of allegiance, school prayers, and the religious use of drugs. All of these cases are highly divisive; none are of practical importance in the lower courts, at least to those who share the benighted view of Edmund Burke24 that in such matters free societies are governed by manners rather than by laws.

Since the heroic age of the civil rights cases, legitimated by purposeful constitutional amendments that were the product of civil war, we have had forty years of judicial dilettantism, legitimated by nothing, but productive of culture wars with no analogues in other advanced democracies, that have convulsed and altered the results of national elections.

The proposal is open to the objection that it will reduce the number of such cases, rendering the docket dull. There will instead be cases about that terra incognita, the rights and responsibilities of government contractors; about administrative law, criminal sentencing procedures, measurement of damages, social security disability, the fourth and fifth amendments, immunity statutes, and the meaning and scope of drug laws. There will be greater emphasis on procedural safeguards, about which Justice Jackson rightly told us: "Procedural due process must be a specialized responsibility within the competence of the judiciary on which they do not bend before political branches of the government, as they should on matters of policy."25 There will be fewer appearances in the court by representatives of militant religious sects and equally devout atheists. On decision Mondays, Ms. Linda Greenhouse and her journalist colleagues will be dozing off in their accustomed seats.

As a hopelessly corrupted practitioner, I will conclude not with the sort of micro-economics found in law schools that defines away transaction and information costs, nor with the moral philosophy equally beloved by many legal academics, which, as the late Max Rheinstein once said, presupposes "an operator more benign than God,"26 but rather with the usual and dreaded anecdotal ‘war story.’

Some years ago, I was engaged by an older lawyer, a bantam rooster type, to assist in litigation against the City of Baltimore. A motion hearing ensued. Such hearings were scheduled in chambers, six to an hour. Our judge was the late Anselm Sodaro of the Baltimore City Circuit Court, in whose honor the Bar Association of Baltimore City still gives an annual Judicial Civility award.

Our adversary was an elderly Assistant City Solicitor named Murphy, who I shall not otherwise identify. I am not putting the finger on anyone, since there have frequently been a profusion of Murphys in the Baltimore City Solicitor’s office.

Mr. Murphy launched into a lengthy argument. After he had exhausted twelve minutes of his five minutes, my companion, to my horror, extracted from his vest pocket a large gold pocket watch, of the type bestowed to commemorate the 50th anniversary of something or other, which he began to ostentatiously examine. Mr. Murphy and Judge Sodaro paid no attention. After about 17 minutes, Mr. Murphy began to wind down, saying to the judge "I have only three other points I wish to make." Then, apparently conscience-stricken, he declared: "I hope I’m not boring you, your Honor."

Judge Sodaro looked at him for a long moment, shook his head, and replied: "Mr. Murphy, I’m paid to be bored."

So are the Justices of the Supreme Court, and your panel hopes not to provide them with ‘intellectual feasts’ but to insure that they earn their pay.

 

 

* Liebmann and Shively, P.A., Baltimore; Senior Academic Visitor, Wolfson College, Cambridge.

Of 'Czars' and History

George W. Liebmann
2009-10-27
examiner.com

The recent Senate hearing on the Obama administration’s ‘czars’ deserves more attention than the facetious comments of Dana Milbank. We see now the latest instance of a bi-partisan and recurrent problem, last seriously discussed at the time of Watergate. At that time the constitutional scholar Alexander Bickel observed "In opposing cant of ‘not men, but measures’, Burke therefore resisted rule by non-party ministers who lack the confidence of the Commons. . . we may today oppose excessive White House staff- government by private men whom Congress never sees. It was not for nothing that the American Constitution provided for ‘executive departments’ and for Senate confirmation of the appointment of great officers of state." His contemporary constitutional scholar Philip Kurland described Watergate as the consequence of "court locusts. . . [who] instill in the President’s mind a divine right of authority to command his subjects. This is a most fitting description of the Executive Office of the President under Nixon."

The next major constitutional embarrassment was the Iran-Contra affair, arising from the machinations of three unconfirmed White House aides, Mc Farlane, Poindexter and North, undertaken over the objections of Secretary of Defense Weinberger and Secretary of State Shultz., the constitutionally responsible cabinet officers. There was then the Clinton health care proposal, conceived in secrecy by a 500-member staff directed by an unconfirmed first lady and unconfirmed presidential aide, Ira Magaziner, the knowledgable Secretary of Health and Human Services, Donna Shalala and her bureaucracy being marginalized. This experience was such a great success that it is now being replicated, the unconfirmed directors of the administration’s efforts being Rahm Emanuel and Nancy De Parle.

The requirement of Senate confirmation of principal officers was not a cosmetic provision, but involved conscious rejection of theories of the unitary executive now apparently embraced by the Obama administration. The Constitutional Convention proposed a single President with reluctance, after a plural Council of State on the Swiss model had been urged by Benjamin Franklin, George Mason and others. The Senate confirmation provision as explained by Alexander Hamilton in Federalist 74 sought to guard against the duplication here of abuses in the royal courts of Europe; it "would tend greatly to prevent the appointment of unfit characters from state prejudice, from family connection, from personal attachment or from a view to popularity. . . He would be both ashamed and afraid to bring forward candidates who had no other merit than. . . possessing the necessary insignificance and pliancy to render them the obsequious instruments of his pleasure.

Morrison v. Olson (1988), the leading Supreme Court case on the confirmation requirement, upheld appointment of a special prosecutor without confirmation on the stated ground that she had no "authority to formulate policy for the Government or the Executive Branch." This does not describe Emanuel, De Parle, or General Jones, let alone such past National Security Advisors as Mc George Bundy and Henry Kissinger, who marginalized the Secretary of State. In the post-Watergate era, Congress wisely provided for confirmation of both the Director and Deputy Director of the Office of Management and Budget, as well as the Director of the Office of National Procurement Policy; in 1949 the antecedent of the Director of the Office of Federal Personnel Management was made subject to Senate confirmation. Many current unconfirmed White House aides like the National Security Advisor and Assistants for Domestic Policy and Economic Policy have duties and powers defined by statute. President Truman’s Director of Mobilization, John R. Steelman, recommended discontinuance of his office on the stated ground that "I do not think the President needs anyone with power to act between the resident and his Cabinet or the President and anybody else who is supposed to report directly to the President." The unconfirmed Presidential chief of staff recommended by the First Hoover Commission in 1949 was supposed to be a career civil servant on the British model who "would not himself be an adviser to the President on any issue of policy." Does this describe Rahm Emanuel?

Justice Story once observed, in the leading constitutional treatise of his time, that offices in a republic "are established and are to be filled, not to gratify private interests and private attachments; not as a means of corrupt influence or individual profit; not for cringing favorites or court sycophants, but . . . to give dignity, strength, purity and energy to the administration of the laws." The Bush-Cheney administration to the contrary notwithstanding, important public officers, including prosecutors, were not to be doppelgangers and apparatchiks, but persons of independent standing. Consider, for example, the composition of President Washington’s cabinet. The limits on recess appointments, which the Bush administration sought to avoid, were intended to give appointees some security of tenure by rendering their replacement difficult, as explained by Hamilton in Federalist No. 77. The recent hearing should lead the Congress to enact statutes extending the requirement of Senate confirmation to the heads of the principal branches of the President’s staff. If this operates as a dis-incentive to continued expansion of the staff, many if not most of whose members are political veterans engaged in the operation of 24-hour ’war rooms’ and perpetual campaigns, that is a consummation devoutly to be wished.

George Liebmann, a Baltimore lawyer, is the author of The Common Law Tradition: A Collective Portrait of Five Legal Scholars (Transaction Books, 2005), and of Diplomacy Between the Wars: Five Diplomats and the Shaping of the Modern World (Palgrave Macmillan, 2008).

Maryland and the Stimulus: Responsibility Deferred

George Liebmann
2009-03-12

Few states can have used the benefits accruing to them in the Obama administration’s stimulus bill as irresponsibly as Maryland. We may pass in review the bill’s effect on Maryland public policy:

Pension and Retirement Systems

The Calvert Institute and the Maryland Public Policy Foundation recently published a study of Maryland’s public pension and retiree health systems indicating combined state and local funding deficits approaching $50 billion, and that figure did not consider the impact of the recent stock market crash. It further pointed out that the O’Malley administration and legislature had reduced to $100 million annual contributions toward the accrued deficit for health insurance subsidies.

In April 2006, the General Assembly created a Blue Ribbon Commission to Study Retiree Health Care Funding Options, which was to report by Dec. 31, 2008. In 2008, the legislature, quavering with fear at the probable contents of the report, postponed its due date until Dec. 31, 2009, two weeks before the start of the 2010 legislative session, thus postponing action on its recommendations past the 2010 election. The commission has now quietly released a required interim report, which is instructive both in what it records and in what it omits.

The commission declares that the state has unfunded retiree health liabilities to its employees of $15.2 billion, or $3,000 for every Marylander.

At present, the state funds such obligations on a "pay as you go" basis, now costing $314 million a year, a sum traditionally obscured in state budget documents by being scattered among agencies. If left unchecked, this cost will escalate to $600 million by 2014 and $1 billion a year by 2023.

Fully funding this deficit would require added state appropriations of $500 million a year. The last three budgets did not propose the required $1.5 billion in appropriations but only $410 million, of which only $148 million was actually appropriated. The actuarial deficit is thus only 1 percent funded.

What will the taxpayers of the state get for these huge future commitments? Seventy-six percent of the benefits go to retirees over the age of 65 who are already eligible for both Medicare and the new Medicare prescription drug program. The state program relieves middle-class state retirees who already enjoy Social Security and pensions much larger than private sector pensions of the deductibles and co-payments that Congress has determined are appropriately borne by ordinary retired taxpayers. Even more shockingly, 59 percent of the cost of the program goes to relieve retirees of prescription drug costs. The state program remains unchanged even though under the new Medicare Part D the maximum annual exposure of any retiree is only $3,150 more than under the existing Maryland plan.

The premise of the benefit program, as stated in the interim report's introduction, is that "retiree benefits are an important component of the state's overall strategy for attracting the best possible employees to public service." This premise is totally unexamined. How many 25-year-olds are tempted into state service by an unfunded promise that 40 years hence they may be relieved of a maximum of $3,150 per year liability for prescription drug costs? Few, if any. For this reason, half the nation's private employers with retiree health programs have abandoned them in recent years.

The state's retiree health obligations derive not from recruiting needs but from political cowardice. Private sector employers with variable income flows know that improvident retirement promises quickly affect profit and loss statements and impair the tenure of the responsible executives. Term-limited public officials, by contrast, have an irresistible temptation to punt problems past the next election. Rather than pay salaries needed to recruit, benefits are promised for which the bills do not fall due until the governor leaves office or secures re-election. The result is an unambitious and immobile work force.

In Maryland, the bills are now falling due, since there are new governmental accounting standards and the bond rating houses have made it clear that arrangements must be made within the next several years to reduce or fully fund future obligations. They have left open, however, a short window of opportunity for further procrastination, and the O'Malley administration and legislature seem to be enthusiastically embracing it. The Deputy State Treasurer told the Maryland Troopers’ Association in November that "healthcare benefits are not part of the defined pension benefit and as such are subject to adjustment. . . While it has not been proposed at this point, it is possible that they may adjust the percentages to reduce the State’s liability going forward." With the advent of the Obama administration stimulus package, any thought of this was abandoned by the O’Malley administration–a classic example of ‘hit and run’ government.


K-12 Education

Prior to the stimulus package, the O’Malley administration had planned to defer the portion of the Thornton plan appropriating funds based on a geographic cost of education index. These appropriations were a bone tossed to wealthier subdivisions to secure enactment of the Thornton plan. The $37.9 million involved included $9.2 million for Montgomery County, $11.8 million for Prince George’s County. $6.8 million for Baltimore City, $2.5 million for Anne Arundel County, $1.9 million for Frederick County, $1.6 million for Baltimore County, $1.5 million for Harford County and nothing for the state’s poorest subdivisions, including Allegany, Caroline, Cecil, Harford, Somerset, Talbot, Washington, Wicomico, and Worcester Counties. On January 27, 2009, the O’Malley administration celebrated the advent of the stimulus package by rescinding the cuts to this generally regressive program.

On February 20, 2009, the O’Malley administration continued its carnival of extravagance by announcing that $329 million of the federal stimulus funds would be dedicated to avoiding any change in the teachers’ pension program which was extravagantly sweetened in the last year of the Ehrlich administration on the false premise that this needed to be done to preserve competitiveness with other states. See Abell Foundation, Is It Time to Rethink Pensions in Maryland,(http://www.abell.org/publications/detail.asp?ID=123) The program ever since has exceeded its projected cost because of an alleged actuarial error. On the same day, the administration announced that contrary to earlier plans, it would fully fund the inflation adjustment in the Thornton plan, thus expending an additional $185 million.

Finally, and even more scandalously, the administration dedicated $260 million of the new federal money to the state’s school construction program, which thus will have received more than $1 billion in three years. There is no demonstrated association between the use of these funds and improvement in educational results. For good measure, any school built as part of the program will cost significantly more than a locally constructed school as a result of the O’Malley administration’s insistence in extending the prevailing wage law to school construction projects, a gift of $100 to $150 million over a three-year period to the administration’s faithful supporters in the construction unions. The buildings resulting from this binge have the effect of relieving subdivisions from the costs of sprawl zoning. Nor has this misbegotten state program, which has exploded from the $22 million level to which it was reduced by the end of the Hughes administration, been a gift to the fine arts. The O’Malley administration school buildings bear a greater resemblance to single-story meat warehouses than to the

Parthenon, owing a greater debt to the neo-kickback and riot modern architecture of the late 60s than to any models inspired by classical antiquity.

Although the administration has given lip service to improving STEM (science, technology, engineering and math) education, not a dime of the funds available to it has been dedicated to providing salary supplements for science and math teachers, although this has been recommended by a host of national and state commissions. The state, without let or hindrance from Governor O’Malley and Superintendent Grasmick likewise will continue to maintain teacher certification requirements mandating a year of education courses, thus excluding about 90% of the state’s scientifically trained manpower from the teaching force. In New Jersey, by contrast, 20% of the state’s new teachers are recruited through alternative certification programs, as against 1% in Maryland, and the performance of the alternatively-certified teachers on certification (NTE) tests was markedly higher than that of teachers presenting a year of education courses. L. Klagholz, Growing Better Teachers ibn the Garden State (Thomas Fordham Foundation, 2000).

Although Governor O’Malley and Superintendent Grasmick like to claim that Maryland has the best public schools in the country, one study on which they rely is concerned only with the percentage of students taking and passing advanced placement examinations, a self-selected cohort that could be expected to be high in a state with one of the nation’s highest incomes and one at the top in the percentage of 25-64 year olds with bachelor’s degrees: 37% as against a national average of 29%.. "Maryland is the top state in student performance on Advanced Placement tests, but only fair proportions score well on college entrance exams." National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education, Measuring Up: 2008: The National Report Card on Higher Education. The rating was compiled by the College Entrance Examination Board, producer of the Advanced Placement Tests.



Broader-gauged studies present a radically different picture. Maryland’s average composite SAT score in 2008, 1001, compared with a national average of 1017 and ranked 40th in the nation. Its mean SAT scores fell during the period 1988-2008, placing it 45th in the nation in its trend relationship.

In 2007, the performance of its students on the internationally recognized NAEP grade 8 tests placed it 12th in math and 20th in reading. For grade 4, Maryland was 26th in math and 12th in reading. Overall, Maryland schools were ranked 20th in the nation, the three leading states being Minnesota, Vermont, and Massachusetts. In per-pupil spending, however, Maryland was 12th in the nation. American Legislative Exchange Council, Report Card on American Education, A State by State Analysis (15th ed.2008). High school completion in Maryland is 90%, as against 95% in the top 5 states and 88% in the nation. The percentage of 18-24 year olds enrolled in college is 32% in Maryland as against 34% nationally and 44% in the top 5 states. National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education, Measuring Up: 2008: The National Report Card on Higher Education.

Governor O’Malley and Superintendent Grasmick cite a second study, produced by Education Week, Quality Counts 2008 which also gives Maryland schools a number 1 rating. When the study is actually read (Superintendent Grasmick has sedulously refrained from posting it on her website in full text) a much less flattering picture emerges. Maryland’s test results are middle-of-the pack, 25th, 14th, 17th and 21st; its high school graduation rate is 19th; its rating for K-12 achievement, tied with Massachusetts for first place, derives from ‘soft’ criteria like year to year improvement. Its overall first place rating is due to its high ratings on other ‘soft’ criteria like "Transitions and Alignment" and to its Thornton extravagances, causing it to be rated behind only seven states and tied with three in the "School Finance" category. With respect to "Standards and Assessment" about which Superintendent Grasmick never ceases to boast, Maryland is rated behind 22 states and tied with two others. As for "Teaching Profession" which generally assesses incentives for teachers, Maryland is behind 23 states and tied with six others. None of the criteria assess such things as science achievement or incentives for recruitment of science teachers.

The detailed Education Week tabulations are attached as an appendix. (http://www.edweek.org/media/ew/qc/2008/18shr.md.h27.pdf) To say that the No 1 rating has been over-hyped is an understatement. Governor O’Malley may not know better; Superintendent Grasmick certainly does. The "Standards and Assessment" and "Teaching Profession" standings as well as the "hard’ achievement results are an indictment of her ten-year tenure in one of America’s richest states.

Higher Education

Governor O’Malley’s initial approach to the state’s budgetary problems was to drastically cut the state’s subventions to community colleges, while leaving the appropriations to the state’s four-year schools inviolate. This was proposed to be done notwithstanding that the recession has produced an explosion of enrollment in community colleges. The reason for this choice is quite simple: the four-year colleges have politically articulate alumni bodies and faculty; the community colleges, relying heavily on adjunct teachers, do not.

The advent of federal largesse has led to the rescinding of proposed cuts to community colleges.

Although recent studies have demonstrated the ineffectiveness of the state’s traditionally black colleges, their budgets are sacred cows. The percentage of enrollees graduating after six years is 17% at Coppin, 39% at Morgan,42% at UMES, and 43% at Bowie. The corresponding figures for the remaining public colleges are 56% at Frostburg, itself a remarkably low figure; 64% at UMBC, 69% at Towson, 72% at Salisbury and 80% at UMCP.

Any high school with a performance like Coppin’s would be closed as an ineffective institution. A recent article indicated that its entrance standards were such that 50% of its students required remediation in math and 50% failed freshman English. Its record is a function of the inadequate preparation of its students, but its condition feeds on itself and cannot be cured with more money. Qualified faculty do not want to teach under-qualified students; the recent Toll Report on Coppin revealed that the school could not recruit even its authorized complement of remedial reading instructors. For the class entering in 2006, the 25th percentile of the class had mean SAT reading scores of 390 and math scores of 380, (http://www.eduers.com/University/Maryland/Coppin_State_College.html)

suggesting that a large percentage of the students are not prepared for college work (http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/education/college/bal-md.gap11mar11,0,2948229.story). This strongly suggests that either the institution should be explicitly turned into a remedial institution to prepare students for college, or that it should be turned into a two-year college or community college rather than pretending to be a university. At present, the cost to the state per graduate exceeds that at elite private institutions and much of the funds expended would be better used in trying to run a good two-year college rather than a bad four-year one.

The O’Malley administration’s response to this condition was to appropriate $100 million for a new physical education building at Coppin. Its response to similar but less dramatically bad conditions at Bowie was an appropriation of $34 million for a new fine arts building. Building college buildings for students not prepared for college work is not a prudent use of state funds, particularly at a time when the state’s community colleges need added funds. Given the opportunities now available at institutions not "traditionally black" (in Maryland, the dropout rates of black students from such colleges are no greater than the average dropout rate), it is clear that the main function of the black colleges is to make four-year college entrance available to students who would otherwise be excluded from it on academic grounds. This has an adverse effect on the incentive of students to take their high school work seriously and the incentive of high schools to properly prepare their students.

As presently constituted, Coppin is not operated for the primary benefit of its students but rather for its staff and for the construction unions. In 2008, it was found that in the Maryland university system "forty-two percent of blacks graduate within six years, compared with seventy-three percent of whites–one of the largest gaps in the nation." National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education, Measuring Up: 2008: The National Report Card on Higher Education

This gap is due almost entirely to Maryland’s failure, unlike many of the southern states (most recently Georgia), to phase out its traditionally black colleges.

Transportation

The O’Malley administration, notwithstanding its increase in virtually every other tax and notwithstanding a fallback in gasoline tax revenues, has refrained from proposing any increase in gasoline taxes, or any substantial recourse to road pricing, time-of-day pricing, or tolling measures other than some modest increases in EZ Pass charges. Its approach to transportation funding has featured raids on the general fund, the deferral or skipping of necessary preventive maintenance, and the avoidance of any significant road improvements in growing areas of the state like Harford, Frederick, Charles and Wicomico counties which suffer from a surfeit of traffic congestion and a shortage of Democratic voters. Rather than seek added state revenues , the State by its own admission, has deferred $2.1 billion in planned projects in 2009-14, including many projects necessary for "system preservation". The stimulus funds of $638 billion will fund only about 30% of these deferred projects. See http://www.marylandtransportation.com/Planning/Economic_Recovery/FactSheet_022309.pdf

The O’Malley Administration’s use of federal stimulus funds has been entirely dedicated to postponing the evil day when facts must be faced about the need for new revenue sources for the transportation fund.. Virtually all the stimulus funds, with the exception of about $60 million for new buses, are devoted to resurfacing of existing roads and other deferred maintenance. When the stimulus funds disappear, the transportation deficit will reappear, though in more virulent form, given plummeting gasoline use resulting from the recession and the increased prevalence of hybrid and fuel-efficient cars. Those expecting significant permanent improvements to transportation infrastructure from hundreds of millions of dollars in stimulus funds are going to be sorely disappointed. The funds instead are going to be used essentially for janitorial work–to get the Governor to the next election without having to face fiscal realities. Nor is it any accident that $141.8 million of the initial $365 million tranche of funds are being used for mass transit and $144 million for highway maintenance in the Baltimore and Washington areas, leaving only about $80 million for the highway needs of the rest of the state, including its growth corridors. The breakdown is at http://www.marylandtransportation.com/Planning/Economic_Recovery/Documents/Phase%20_I_Transit_and_Highway_Recovery_Projects_022809.pdf

Drugs and Corrections

Although the stimulus bill contained only limited funds for law enforcement and corrections, it should be noted that Maryland’s capacity to meet the educational and transportation needs of its citizens and the demands of its work force is significantly constrained by the level of its spending on incarceration and corrections. The policy of the O’Malley administration has been to resist relaxation of Maryland’s version of the ‘Rockefeller drug laws’ with their minimum sentence provisions even though they are in the process of being repealed in New York, the state of their origin, and have been significantly relaxed in other jurisdictions, including such improbable states as Texas and Kansas. Thus Governor O’Malley vetoed a bill sponsored by Delegate Curtis Anderson which passed both houses in the 2008 session, his veto message being distinguished by its spectacular incoherence. The Governor does not have the excuse of political pressure to be ‘tough on crime’, since both his Republican opponent in his Mayoral race, David Tufaro and his opponent in the gubernatorial race, Robert Ehrlich held moderate and enlightened positions on criminal justice issues.

Maryland ranks eleventh in the nation in corrections as a percentage of general fund expenditures in 2007, such expenditures accounting for 7.6% of the general fund and amounting to 1.084 billion dollars.. For every dollar it spends on higher education, it spent in 2007 74 cents on corrections, a ratio placing it 14th in the nation. As of January 2008, it incarcerated 23,342 prisoners. 636 of every 100,000 Marylanders was behind bars in 2005, an average rate for American states, but one higher than that in any foreign country, the highest rate in a foreign country being 628 per 100,000 in the Russian Federation. Pew Center on the States, One in 100: Behind Bars in America 2008.

Health and Welfare

Maryland spent some $4.7 billion on its Medicaid program in 2004,and $5.3 billion in the current year of which $2.5 billion represented state funds. The current administration has expanded dental care coverage, creating what amounts to a new entitlement program for providers, as well as expanding eligibility for the basic medicaid program. It has been less interested in curbing medicaid fraud, legislation which would have added resources for this purpose failing in the 2008 General Assembly, partly by reason of industry arguments that most of the recoveries that might be obtained would inure to the benefit of the federal government and not the state. The state has also done little to promote care-giving by relatives as an alternative to medicaid nursing homes, and has done nothing to liberalize its accessory apartment laws or provide incentives for the creation of second kitchens in single family homes, even though 70% to 80% of medicaid spending is for nursing home care. Its efforts to discourage emergency room use by encouraging primary care clinics in inner-city areas have been intermittent and inadequate, nor has it done much to enhance the role of nurse practitioners. There are estimates that Maryland may receive between $1 billion and $1.4 billion in health care funds from the stimulus funds over a two year period, leading some to predict an 18% increase in medicaid spending and others to propose extending the program to some childless adults. How these increases will be sustained if and when the temporary appropriations are ended is little discussed.

Maryland has done a credible job in implementing the 1996 federal welfare reform legislation, although its implementation of time-limit provisions is weak and its sanctions regime is mediocre. One survey credits it with the best overall implementation of the law among the 50 states. Its caseload reduction over a ten-year period was 78.9%, the eleventh largest in the country, and it also made good progress in reducing its poverty rate and teen birth rate and in enforcing work requirements. See G.Macdougal et al, State Welfare Report Card 2008: Welfare Reform After Ten Years (Heartland Institute, 2008).The stimulus bill provides incentives to relax restrictions, raising the danger that any relaxation will outlast the funds providing an incentive for it.

Conclusion

Nothing about the O’Malley administration’s approach to the stimulus package suggests that a responsible, future-oriented approach is being taken. Rather the administration has chosen to use the newly available funds to avoid taking necessary measures that would offend what it regards as its core constituencies: state employees, unionized teachers, construction unions, and the local governments of areas that reliably vote Democratic. There is similar reluctance to face up to the facts about the future funding requirements of the transportation system, to curb the growth of medicaid nursing homes, or to cease demagoging the crime and drugs issue and embark on reform of sentencing and corrections statutes. Funds that should have been used creatively to provide public works and institutions of enduring value and to improve the state’s colleges and its teaching force are instead being poured down the usual rat-holes, to the detriment of the interests of the state.

Not Just for Mother in Law: Accessory Apartments Benefit Society and the Economy and It's Time for Tax Credits to Promote Them

P.Hare and G. Liebmann
2009-01-29
Baltimore Sun

baltimoresun.com
Not just for mother-in-law
Accessory apartments benefit society and the economy, and it's time for tax credits to promote them

By Patrick H. Hare and George W. Liebmann

January 29, 2009

Twenty years ago, we separately produced publications urging that governments should provide incentives for the creation of accessory apartments (sometimes called "mother-in-law apartments") in owner-occupied housing. Our writings pointed out that there was a shortage of small-unit housing; that household sizes had dropped, rendering many large homes ripe for partial use by renters; that it was irrational to maintain regulations that discouraged extended families from living next to each other; and that Germany, Japan and Finland had provided such incentives as housing policy.

The idea fell on stony soil. Only a handful of wealthy American suburbs then permitted accessory apartments. The political climate was hostile to new federal programs and "tax expenditures." No need was felt to further stimulate housing-related industries.

Today, all has changed. Most municipalities have accessory-apartment ordinances. California, Oregon, Vermont and Washington state, along with most Canadian provinces, require municipalities to consider accessory-apartment ordinances - laws fostered by the AARP. A Montgomery County task force has recommended that they be allowed as of right, as in parts of Arlington, Va., the District of Columbia and Prince George's County.

Home improvement contractors and appliance manufacturers face economic recession. Millions have over-invested in housing, and many would welcome rental income to avoid foreclosure. Politicians seek stimuli for the economy that do not involve "trickle-down" bailouts or indiscriminate gifts that may be hoarded rather than spent. States struggle with exploding budgets for Medicaid nursing homes because elderly people who want separate apartments cannot live near their children.

We advance a modest proposal: a temporary, three-year tax credit of $5,000 or one-half installation cost - whichever is less - for new, accessory apartments in owner-occupied homes. The proposed credit is temporary because it pays people to do what ultimately is in their interest; it is a publicity device as much as an incentive, and can be removed once accessory apartments become a popular option for builders, homeowners, renters and contractors. Tax credits, rather than financing incentives or grant programs, are appropriate because with the aid of Form 1040 and the tax preparation profession, they would get the word out much faster than programs trickling down from bureaucracies.

The credits would spur construction that is labor-intensive and that, unlike public works, involves little lead time. It would increase the supply of small-unit rental housing at a fraction of the cost of new, subsidized housing. Six studies (one done by Montgomery County) show that accessory apartment rents are below those for most units of similar size. Moreover, half are rented by relatives at "deep subsidies." Tenants will typically be acceptable to or relatives of residents. Despite conventional fears that such arrangements may diminish property values or lead to neighborhood decline, Internet searches reveal no reported instances of actual neighborhood decline. And leaders at the local level have by now secured enactment of thousands of ordinances, so national leadership is no longer a significant political risk.

Accessory apartments would relieve demand for subsidized-housing construction and nursing homes and services for the elderly. Any worsening of parking availability would be more than offset by benefits to the tax base and to property values provided by new flows of rental income and reduced foreclosures. People buying homes with the help of rental income from accessory apartments would strengthen the housing market.

Politicians do not get to cut ribbons when a homeowner installs an accessory apartment. Nor do benefits accrue to the politically wired-in builders of subsidized housing, whose fast write-offs and subsidies result in six-figure costs to government for each newly created small unit. Rather, the beneficiaries are families struggling to keep homes, elderly citizens seeking added income and companionship, small improvement contractors and workers in appliance plants. "Mother-in-law apartments" are an age-old, common-sense solution whose time has come.

Patrick H. Hare is the author of "Creating an Accessory Apartment" and has been a consultant to governments on accessory housing. George W. Liebmann is a Baltimore lawyer and author of "Neighborhood Futures.".




MARYLANDS STATE AND LOCAL PENSION COFFERS

MARYLANDS STATE AND LOCAL PENSION COFFERS

SERIOUSLY UNDERFUNDED, STUDY FINDS

ERIOUSLY UNDERFUNDED, STUDY FINDS

ROCKVILLE, MD—The Maryland Public Policy Institute in Rockville, MD, and the Calvert Institute

in Baltimore, MD, have released a joint evaluation of state and local retirement benefits: "Passing

the Buck: Maryland’s Unfunded Liabilities for State and Local Retirees," authored by Gabriel J.

Michael and George W. Liebmann.

Maryland’s state and local pension and retirement benefits plans are in for some hard times ahead.

Facing budget shortfalls, governments are skimping on their annual contributions to pension plans,

while at the same time promising broader retirement benefits to public employees.

Today, the Maryland State Retirement and Pension System suffers from an unfunded deficit of over

$11 billion. Many county governments face similarly severe deficits. The State’s unfunded non-pension

retirement benefits liabilities range anywhere from $8 billion to $15 billion.

With the implementation of the Governmental Accounting Standards Board Statement 45, state and

local governments will be forced to calculate and make public the unfunded liability for these retirement

benefits. These enormous liabilities will increase the cost of state and local governments' borrowing,

as lenders will address government bond ratings.

The full report can be viewed online at http://www.mdpolicy.org/research/pubID.215/pub_detail.asp.

Founded in 2001, the Maryland Public Policy Institute is a nonpartisan public policy research and education

organization that focuses on state policy issues. The Maryland Public Policy Institute’s work can be

found on the Internet at www.mdpolicy.org.

The Calvert Institute for Policy Research is a non-partisan, educational institution dedicated to the

research and propagation of solutions to Maryland state and local public policy concerns based upon the

principles of free markets and personal responsibility. The Calvert Institute’s work is available at

www.calvertinstitute.org.

http://www.mdpolicy.org/research/pubID.215/pub_detail.asp.

Founded in 2001, the Maryland Public Policy Institute is a nonpartisan public policy research and education

organization that focuses on state policy issues. The Maryland Public Policy Institute’s work can be

found on the Internet at www.mdpolicy.org.

The Calvert Institute for Policy Research is a non-partisan, educational institution dedicated to the

research and propagation of solutions to Maryland state and local public policy concerns based upon the

principles of free markets and personal responsibility. The Calvert Institute’s work is available at

www.calvertinstitute.org.

# # #

Press Release

October 29, 2008

The Maryland Public Policy Institute

1 Research Court, Suite 450, Rockville, Maryland 20850

(240) 686-3510 mdpolicy.org

mdpolicy.org

Calvert Institute for Policy Research, Inc.

8 West Hamilton Street

Baltimore, Md. 21201

(410) 752-5887, info@calvertinstitute.org

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Media Contact: 240.686.3510(Md. Public Policy Institute)

                          410 752 5887 (Calvert Institute)

Calvert Institute

alvert Institute

SUMMARY

UMMARY

Maryland’s state and local pension and retirement benefits plans are in for some

hard times ahead. Facing budget shortfalls, governments are underfunding their

retirement plans, while at the same time expanding the benefit promises to public

employees. This unsustainable financing places both taxpayers and public

employees at risk.

Today, the Maryland State Retirement and Pension System suffers from an

unfunded deficit of over $11 billion. The State’s unfunded liabilities for non-pension

retirement benefits (such as retirees’ health care) are estimated to range anywhere

from $8 billion to $15 billion. Many county and local government entities

face similarly severe deficits. Those liabilities will constrain state and local budgets

in the decades ahead.

To make matters worse, with the implementation of the Governmental

Accounting Standards Board Statement 45, state and local governments will be

required for the first time to calculate and make public their retirement benefit liabilities.

Those liabilities will reduce the governments’ creditworthiness and

increase their borrowing costs.

This joint study by the Maryland Public Policy Institute and the Calvert Institute

evaluates Maryland’s unfunded retirement liabilities for its public employees.

The first report, by George Liebmann, specifically examines pension liabilities,

while the second report, by Gabriel Michael, examines liabilities for other retirement

benefits.

PASSING THE BUCK

P
ASSING THE BUCK

MARYLANDS UNFUNDED

ARYLANDS UNFUNDED

LIABILITIES FOR STATE

AND LOCAL RETIREES

IABILITIES FOR STATE

AND LOCAL RETIREES

LOCAL RETIREES

Calvert Institute

alvert Institute

PASSING THE BUCK:

MARYLANDS UNFUNDED

ASSING THE BUCK:

MARYLANDS UNFUNDED

ARYLANDS UNFUNDED

LIABILITIES FOR STATE

AND LOCAL RETIREES

IABILITIES FOR STATE

AND LOCAL RETIREES

LOCAL RETIREES

Calvert Institute

alvert Institute

Published by

The Maryland Public Policy Institute

1 Research Court

Suite 450

Rockville, Maryland 20850

(240) 686-3510

mdpolicy.org

Copyright © 2008

Nothing written here is to be construed as the official opinion of the Maryland Public Policy Institute

or the Calvert Institute or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before the Maryland

General Assembly.

1

SUMMARY

UMMARY

Maryland’s state and local pension and retirement benefits plans are in for some

hard times ahead. Facing budget shortfalls, governments are underfunding their

retirement plans, while at the same time expanding the benefit promises to public

employees. This unsustainable financing places both taxpayers and public

employees at risk.

Today, the Maryland State Retirement and Pension System suffers from an

unfunded deficit of over $11 billion. The State’s unfunded liabilities for non-pension

retirement benefits (such as retirees’ health care) are estimated to range anywhere

from $8 billion to $15 billion. Many county and local government entities

face similarly severe deficits. Those liabilities will constrain state and local budgets

in the decades ahead.

To make matters worse, with the implementation of the Governmental

Accounting Standards Board Statement 45, state and local governments will be

required for the first time to calculate and make public their retirement benefit liabilities.

Those liabilities will reduce the governments’ creditworthiness and

increase their borrowing costs.

This joint study by the Maryland Public Policy Institute and the Calvert Institute

evaluates Maryland’s unfunded retirement liabilities for its public employees.

The first report, by George Liebmann, specifically examines pension liabilities,

while the second report, by Gabriel Michael, examines liabilities for other retirement

benefits.

 

3

MARYLANDS STATE AND LOCAL

ARYLANDS STATE AND LOCAL

PENSION LIABILITIES

ENSION LIABILITIES

George W. Liebmann

MARYLAND STATE FUND

ARYLAND STATE FUND

The State of Maryland and its subdivisions face equally large hidden contingent

liabilities in their defined benefit pension plans.

The response of both the Robert Ehrlich and Martin O’Malley administrations

to this impending crisis has been defined by the principle, "When you’re in a hole,

dig deeper." The Ehrlich administration, under pressure from Democrats in the

2006 election year, signed into law a major expansion of the state’s defined benefit

pension program for teachers. Even the outgoing president of the Maryland State

Teachers’ Association, Patricia Foerster, noted how remarkable this lobbying

achievement was, in that Maryland was actually expanding its defined benefit program

while other states were converting to sounder, defined contribution systems.

Furthermore, the expansion was enacted on the premise that it was needed to

bring Maryland teacher compensation in line with compensation elsewhere, a

proposition promptly deflated in a careful study by the Abell Foundation and the

Maryland Public Policy Institute: Is It Time To Rethink Teacher Pensions in Maryland?

Is It Time To Rethink Teacher Pensions in Maryland?

(2006).1 Moreover, in a feat of misplaced egalitarianism, the increases made available

to teachers were also made available to state employees generally.

The result is recorded in purposefully obscure notations in "The Ninety-Day

Report" issued by the Department of Legislative Services after the 2008 General

Assembly. The report notes that the state’s structural deficit or annual recurring

shortfall was recently increased because of "an actuarial error in retirement contributions

which adds nearly $70 million per year in additional spending for teachers’

retirement costs."2

1 Moreover, in a feat of misplaced egalitarianism, the increases made available

to teachers were also made available to state employees generally.

The result is recorded in purposefully obscure notations in "The Ninety-Day

Report" issued by the Department of Legislative Services after the 2008 General

Assembly. The report notes that the state’s structural deficit or annual recurring

shortfall was recently increased because of "an actuarial error in retirement contributions

which adds nearly $70 million per year in additional spending for teachers’

retirement costs."2

2

Projecting increases for fiscal 2009, the report notes: "Teachers’ retirement,

which is paid by the state on behalf of local school systems, will grow from $566.4

million to $621.8 million, an increase of $55.4 million or 9.8 percent...The

increase of nearly ten percent in the teachers’ retirement program is mostly due to

an 8.8 percent increase in the salary bases for local boards of education." These

include seniority increments, with the increase far exceeding the rate of inflation.3

3

Similarly, state retirement contributions for local employees, chiefly those in community

colleges and libraries, increased from $36 million to $39.3 million.4

4

1. Available at http://www.abell.org/publications/detail.asp?ID=123.

2. "The Ninety-Day Report," Department of Legislative Services, p. A-17.

3. Ibid., A-24 and A-85.

Ibid., A-24 and A-85.

Passing the Buck: Maryland’s Unfunded Liabilities for State and Local Retirees

4

Notwithstanding the melancholy experience with affirmative action for investment

firms, notably those of Nathan Chapman and Alan Bond,5 the 2008 legislature

passed and the governor signed S.B. 606, mandating affirmative action for

such firms.6 In addition, urged on by some neoconservative organizations in

Washington, D.C., the General Assembly required divestiture from companies

doing business with Iran and Sudan, thus reducing yields and enlarging administrative

costs.7 Although the Chapman firm allegedly did not actually lose money

during a five-year period when peer pension funds were enjoying 5.13 percent

average annual yields, another affirmative action manager, Progressive, lost more

than half the funds confided to its care.

The dimensions of the actuarial deficit of the Maryland State Retirement and

Pension System are disclosed in its report for the year ending June 30, 2007.8 As

of that date, the actuarial liabilities of the fund were $49.3 billion, an increase of

$6 billion in one year, while actuarial assets were $37.9 billion, an increase of $2.1

billion. The actuarial deficit was thus $11.4 billion, and the funding ratio was

76.8 percent. The origins of much of this deficit are found in the years 2000 to

2005, when the five-year rate of return for the State Retirement System was an

annual 3.21 percent as against 5.13 percent for peer funds,9 translating into a

shortfall in investment earnings of $2.5 billion over that five-year period. The calculation

of actuarial value assumes (with some qualifications) a constant investment

return of 7.75 percent. Many authorities regard this sort of projected return

over time as over-optimistic, though the projected return was far exceeded in

2006-2007.

"While anything is possible, does anyone really believe this is the most likely

outcome?" Warren Buffett wrote in the most recent annual report of his firm,

Berkshire Hathaway. A growing number of leading investors are warning that the

return rates used by state and local governments are unreasonably optimistic. Buffett,

for one, has pointed out that over the twentieth century, when the Dow Jones

Industrial Average soared from 60 points to 13,000, the stock market produced a

5.3 percent annual return for investors. Over the next century, the Dow would

have to explode to 2.4 million to produce a similar rate of return.10

5 the 2008 legislature

passed and the governor signed S.B. 606, mandating affirmative action for

such firms.6 In addition, urged on by some neoconservative organizations in

Washington, D.C., the General Assembly required divestiture from companies

doing business with Iran and Sudan, thus reducing yields and enlarging administrative

costs.7 Although the Chapman firm allegedly did not actually lose money

during a five-year period when peer pension funds were enjoying 5.13 percent

average annual yields, another affirmative action manager, Progressive, lost more

than half the funds confided to its care.

The dimensions of the actuarial deficit of the Maryland State Retirement and

Pension System are disclosed in its report for the year ending June 30, 2007.8 As

of that date, the actuarial liabilities of the fund were $49.3 billion, an increase of

$6 billion in one year, while actuarial assets were $37.9 billion, an increase of $2.1

billion. The actuarial deficit was thus $11.4 billion, and the funding ratio was

76.8 percent. The origins of much of this deficit are found in the years 2000 to

2005, when the five-year rate of return for the State Retirement System was an

annual 3.21 percent as against 5.13 percent for peer funds,9 translating into a

shortfall in investment earnings of $2.5 billion over that five-year period. The calculation

of actuarial value assumes (with some qualifications) a constant investment

return of 7.75 percent. Many authorities regard this sort of projected return

over time as over-optimistic, though the projected return was far exceeded in

2006-2007.

"While anything is possible, does anyone really believe this is the most likely

outcome?" Warren Buffett wrote in the most recent annual report of his firm,

Berkshire Hathaway. A growing number of leading investors are warning that the

return rates used by state and local governments are unreasonably optimistic. Buffett,

for one, has pointed out that over the twentieth century, when the Dow Jones

Industrial Average soared from 60 points to 13,000, the stock market produced a

5.3 percent annual return for investors. Over the next century, the Dow would

have to explode to 2.4 million to produce a similar rate of return.10

6 In addition, urged on by some neoconservative organizations in

Washington, D.C., the General Assembly required divestiture from companies

doing business with Iran and Sudan, thus reducing yields and enlarging administrative

costs.7 Although the Chapman firm allegedly did not actually lose money

during a five-year period when peer pension funds were enjoying 5.13 percent

average annual yields, another affirmative action manager, Progressive, lost more

than half the funds confided to its care.

The dimensions of the actuarial deficit of the Maryland State Retirement and

Pension System are disclosed in its report for the year ending June 30, 2007.8 As

of that date, the actuarial liabilities of the fund were $49.3 billion, an increase of

$6 billion in one year, while actuarial assets were $37.9 billion, an increase of $2.1

billion. The actuarial deficit was thus $11.4 billion, and the funding ratio was

76.8 percent. The origins of much of this deficit are found in the years 2000 to

2005, when the five-year rate of return for the State Retirement System was an

annual 3.21 percent as against 5.13 percent for peer funds,9 translating into a

shortfall in investment earnings of $2.5 billion over that five-year period. The calculation

of actuarial value assumes (with some qualifications) a constant investment

return of 7.75 percent. Many authorities regard this sort of projected return

over time as over-optimistic, though the projected return was far exceeded in

2006-2007.

"While anything is possible, does anyone really believe this is the most likely

outcome?" Warren Buffett wrote in the most recent annual report of his firm,

Berkshire Hathaway. A growing number of leading investors are warning that the

return rates used by state and local governments are unreasonably optimistic. Buffett,

for one, has pointed out that over the twentieth century, when the Dow Jones

Industrial Average soared from 60 points to 13,000, the stock market produced a

5.3 percent annual return for investors. Over the next century, the Dow would

have to explode to 2.4 million to produce a similar rate of return.10

7 Although the Chapman firm allegedly did not actually lose money

during a five-year period when peer pension funds were enjoying 5.13 percent

average annual yields, another affirmative action manager, Progressive, lost more

than half the funds confided to its care.

The dimensions of the actuarial deficit of the Maryland State Retirement and

Pension System are disclosed in its report for the year ending June 30, 2007.8 As

of that date, the actuarial liabilities of the fund were $49.3 billion, an increase of

$6 billion in one year, while actuarial assets were $37.9 billion, an increase of $2.1

billion. The actuarial deficit was thus $11.4 billion, and the funding ratio was

76.8 percent. The origins of much of this deficit are found in the years 2000 to

2005, when the five-year rate of return for the State Retirement System was an

annual 3.21 percent as against 5.13 percent for peer funds,9 translating into a

shortfall in investment earnings of $2.5 billion over that five-year period. The calculation

of actuarial value assumes (with some qualifications) a constant investment

return of 7.75 percent. Many authorities regard this sort of projected return

over time as over-optimistic, though the projected return was far exceeded in

2006-2007.

"While anything is possible, does anyone really believe this is the most likely

outcome?" Warren Buffett wrote in the most recent annual report of his firm,

Berkshire Hathaway. A growing number of leading investors are warning that the

return rates used by state and local governments are unreasonably optimistic. Buffett,

for one, has pointed out that over the twentieth century, when the Dow Jones

Industrial Average soared from 60 points to 13,000, the stock market produced a

5.3 percent annual return for investors. Over the next century, the Dow would

have to explode to 2.4 million to produce a similar rate of return.10

8 As

of that date, the actuarial liabilities of the fund were $49.3 billion, an increase of

$6 billion in one year, while actuarial assets were $37.9 billion, an increase of $2.1

billion. The actuarial deficit was thus $11.4 billion, and the funding ratio was

76.8 percent. The origins of much of this deficit are found in the years 2000 to

2005, when the five-year rate of return for the State Retirement System was an

annual 3.21 percent as against 5.13 percent for peer funds,9 translating into a

shortfall in investment earnings of $2.5 billion over that five-year period. The calculation

of actuarial value assumes (with some qualifications) a constant investment

return of 7.75 percent. Many authorities regard this sort of projected return

over time as over-optimistic, though the projected return was far exceeded in

2006-2007.

"While anything is possible, does anyone really believe this is the most likely

outcome?" Warren Buffett wrote in the most recent annual report of his firm,

Berkshire Hathaway. A growing number of leading investors are warning that the

return rates used by state and local governments are unreasonably optimistic. Buffett,

for one, has pointed out that over the twentieth century, when the Dow Jones

Industrial Average soared from 60 points to 13,000, the stock market produced a

5.3 percent annual return for investors. Over the next century, the Dow would

have to explode to 2.4 million to produce a similar rate of return.10

9 translating into a

shortfall in investment earnings of $2.5 billion over that five-year period. The calculation

of actuarial value assumes (with some qualifications) a constant investment

return of 7.75 percent. Many authorities regard this sort of projected return

over time as over-optimistic, though the projected return was far exceeded in

2006-2007.

"While anything is possible, does anyone really believe this is the most likely

outcome?" Warren Buffett wrote in the most recent annual report of his firm,

Berkshire Hathaway. A growing number of leading investors are warning that the

return rates used by state and local governments are unreasonably optimistic. Buffett,

for one, has pointed out that over the twentieth century, when the Dow Jones

Industrial Average soared from 60 points to 13,000, the stock market produced a

5.3 percent annual return for investors. Over the next century, the Dow would

have to explode to 2.4 million to produce a similar rate of return.10

10

4. Ibid., A-81.

5. See Calvert Institute, The Baltimore City Retirement Systems: Heading for Trouble,

March 2006, 25, n. 3.

6. Chapter 601 of the Acts of 2008, enacting Sec. 21-116(D)(1) of the State

Personnel and Pensions article.

7. Chapter 342 of the Acts of 2008, enacting Sec. 21-123.1 of the State Personnel

and Pensions article.

8. P. 66.

9. 2002-2003 Maryland State Budget, vol. I, 582.

10. David Cho, "Growing Deficits Threaten Pensions: Accounting Tactics Conceal a

Crisis for Public Workers," The Washington Post, May 11, 2008, A-1.

Ibid., A-81.

5. See Calvert Institute, The Baltimore City Retirement Systems: Heading for Trouble,

March 2006, 25, n. 3.

6. Chapter 601 of the Acts of 2008, enacting Sec. 21-116(D)(1) of the State

Personnel and Pensions article.

7. Chapter 342 of the Acts of 2008, enacting Sec. 21-123.1 of the State Personnel

and Pensions article.

8. P. 66.

9. 2002-2003 Maryland State Budget, vol. I, 582.

10. David Cho, "Growing Deficits Threaten Pensions: Accounting Tactics Conceal a

Crisis for Public Workers," The Washington Post, May 11, 2008, A-1.

The Baltimore City Retirement Systems: Heading for Trouble,

March 2006, 25, n. 3.

6. Chapter 601 of the Acts of 2008, enacting Sec. 21-116(D)(1) of the State

Personnel and Pensions article.

7. Chapter 342 of the Acts of 2008, enacting Sec. 21-123.1 of the State Personnel

and Pensions article.

8. P. 66.

9. 2002-2003 Maryland State Budget, vol. I, 582.

10. David Cho, "Growing Deficits Threaten Pensions: Accounting Tactics Conceal a

Crisis for Public Workers," The Washington Post, May 11, 2008, A-1.

Maryland State Budget, vol. I, 582.

10. David Cho, "Growing Deficits Threaten Pensions: Accounting Tactics Conceal a

Crisis for Public Workers," The Washington Post, May 11, 2008, A-1.

The Washington Post, May 11, 2008, A-1.

Maryland’s State and Local Pension Liabilities

5

The state actuarial deficit was 115 percent of covered payroll as of June 30,

2007. The fund had an actuarial surplus as recently as 2000.11 One of the three

causes of the sharp increase in the actuarial deficit is "the benefit enhancements

recognized in 2006."12 In 2007, the system shifted from "the aggregate entry age

normal cost method to the individual entry age normal cost method." Absent this

change, the funding ratio as of June 30, 2007, would have been 84.6 percent,

rather than the 76.8 percent reported. As at June 30, 2007, the funding deficit was

equal to 115 percent of payroll. The funding ratio as of June 30, 2006, was 82.78

percent as against 88.21 percent as of June 30, 2005. Between June 30, 2005, and

June 30, 2006, actuarial liabilities increased by $4.1 billion and the actuarial deficit

by $3.8 billion. This sizable one-year change, unlike the one that followed,

appears to have been due to the benefit improvements secured at the behest of the

teachers’ unions.

In the 2006–2007 fiscal year, the State Fund had investment returns of 17.6

percent. This seemingly glittering performance, however, compares unfavorably

with the 18.33 percent return of the Baltimore City Employees’ Retirement System

and the 19.8 percent return of the Baltimore City Fire and Police Retirement System.

The benchmark used by the latter system (45 percent Russell 3000, 20 percent

MSCI ACWI Free Ex-US, 25 percent Lehman Aggregate, and 10 percent

NCREIF Property Index) had a return of 18.2 percent.

The state’s formula for funding these deficits is recognized by its board as being

inadequate. The situation was aggravated by the Ehrlich administration’s failure to

make $267.5 million in required contributions over a three-year period as a "budget

balancing" measure.13 The contributions not made were $52 million in 2003,

$78 million in 2004, and $137 million in 2005. The new O’Malley administration,

not to be outdone, withheld required contributions of $157 million in 2006

and $195 million in 2007. In the latter year, only 81 percent of the required contribution

was made.14 Maryland adopted a funding formula in 1992 that

prompted a sharp drop in pension funding levels.15

11 One of the three

causes of the sharp increase in the actuarial deficit is "the benefit enhancements

recognized in 2006."12 In 2007, the system shifted from "the aggregate entry age

normal cost method to the individual entry age normal cost method." Absent this

change, the funding ratio as of June 30, 2007, would have been 84.6 percent,

rather than the 76.8 percent reported. As at June 30, 2007, the funding deficit was

equal to 115 percent of payroll. The funding ratio as of June 30, 2006, was 82.78

percent as against 88.21 percent as of June 30, 2005. Between June 30, 2005, and

June 30, 2006, actuarial liabilities increased by $4.1 billion and the actuarial deficit

by $3.8 billion. This sizable one-year change, unlike the one that followed,

appears to have been due to the benefit improvements secured at the behest of the

teachers’ unions.

In the 2006–2007 fiscal year, the State Fund had investment returns of 17.6

percent. This seemingly glittering performance, however, compares unfavorably

with the 18.33 percent return of the Baltimore City Employees’ Retirement System

and the 19.8 percent return of the Baltimore City Fire and Police Retirement System.

The benchmark used by the latter system (45 percent Russell 3000, 20 percent

MSCI ACWI Free Ex-US, 25 percent Lehman Aggregate, and 10 percent

NCREIF Property Index) had a return of 18.2 percent.

The state’s formula for funding these deficits is recognized by its board as being

inadequate. The situation was aggravated by the Ehrlich administration’s failure to

make $267.5 million in required contributions over a three-year period as a "budget

balancing" measure.13 The contributions not made were $52 million in 2003,

$78 million in 2004, and $137 million in 2005. The new O’Malley administration,

not to be outdone, withheld required contributions of $157 million in 2006

and $195 million in 2007. In the latter year, only 81 percent of the required contribution

was made.14 Maryland adopted a funding formula in 1992 that

prompted a sharp drop in pension funding levels.15

12 In 2007, the system shifted from "the aggregate entry age

normal cost method to the individual entry age normal cost method." Absent this

change, the funding ratio as of June 30, 2007, would have been 84.6 percent,

rather than the 76.8 percent reported. As at June 30, 2007, the funding deficit was

equal to 115 percent of payroll. The funding ratio as of June 30, 2006, was 82.78

percent as against 88.21 percent as of June 30, 2005. Between June 30, 2005, and

June 30, 2006, actuarial liabilities increased by $4.1 billion and the actuarial deficit

by $3.8 billion. This sizable one-year change, unlike the one that followed,

appears to have been due to the benefit improvements secured at the behest of the

teachers’ unions.

In the 2006–2007 fiscal year, the State Fund had investment returns of 17.6

percent. This seemingly glittering performance, however, compares unfavorably

with the 18.33 percent return of the Baltimore City Employees’ Retirement System

and the 19.8 percent return of the Baltimore City Fire and Police Retirement System.

The benchmark used by the latter system (45 percent Russell 3000, 20 percent

MSCI ACWI Free Ex-US, 25 percent Lehman Aggregate, and 10 percent

NCREIF Property Index) had a return of 18.2 percent.

The state’s formula for funding these deficits is recognized by its board as being

inadequate. The situation was aggravated by the Ehrlich administration’s failure to

make $267.5 million in required contributions over a three-year period as a "budget

balancing" measure.13 The contributions not made were $52 million in 2003,

$78 million in 2004, and $137 million in 2005. The new O’Malley administration,

not to be outdone, withheld required contributions of $157 million in 2006

and $195 million in 2007. In the latter year, only 81 percent of the required contribution

was made.14 Maryland adopted a funding formula in 1992 that

prompted a sharp drop in pension funding levels.15

13 The contributions not made were $52 million in 2003,

$78 million in 2004, and $137 million in 2005. The new O’Malley administration,

not to be outdone, withheld required contributions of $157 million in 2006

and $195 million in 2007. In the latter year, only 81 percent of the required contribution

was made.14 Maryland adopted a funding formula in 1992 that

prompted a sharp drop in pension funding levels.15

14 Maryland adopted a funding formula in 1992 that

prompted a sharp drop in pension funding levels.15

15

Anne Arundel County Funds

Anne Arundel County’s annual expenditures for pensions have increased from

$23.8 million in fiscal 2003 to $35.7 million in fiscal 2007, a more modest

increase than in other subdivisions. Its four funds have funding ratios as of June

30, 2007, of between 87.2 percent and 97.1 percent; the overall funding ratio is a

11. P. 71.

12. P. 68.

13. Maryland State Retirement System, 2004-2005 Annual Report, p. 35.

14. Maryland State Retirement Systems, 2006-2007 Annual Report, p. 34.

15. David Cho, "Growing Deficits Threaten Pensions: Accounting Tactics Conceal a

Crisis for Public Workers," The Washington Post, May 11, 2008, p. A-1.

Annual Report, p. 35.

14. Maryland State Retirement Systems, 2006-2007 Annual Report, p. 34.

15. David Cho, "Growing Deficits Threaten Pensions: Accounting Tactics Conceal a

Crisis for Public Workers," The Washington Post, May 11, 2008, p. A-1.

Annual Report, p. 34.

15. David Cho, "Growing Deficits Threaten Pensions: Accounting Tactics Conceal a

Crisis for Public Workers," The Washington Post, May 11, 2008, p. A-1.

The Washington Post, May 11, 2008, p. A-1.

Passing the Buck: Maryland’s Unfunded Liabilities for State and Local Retirees

6

solid 95.2 percent. The funds total $1.28 billion; the total actuarial deficit is $62.1

million.

Baltimore City Funds

The Baltimore City Employees Retirement System had an actuarial deficit as of

June 30, 2007, of $151.5 million, up from $119.4 million in the preceding year.

There was an actuarial surplus position as recently as June 30, 2003. The funding

ratio as of June 30, 2007, was 90.5 percent, the actuarial deficit being 43.7 percent

of covered payroll. Annual required contributions by the City escalated from

$17.7 million in 2003 to $36.8 million in 2007.

The Baltimore City Fire and Police System had an actuarial deficit as of June 30,

2007, of $235.2 million, up from $204.5 million in the preceding year. There was

an actuarial surplus position as of June 30, 2001. The funding ratio as of June 30,

2007 was 91.9 percent, the actuarial deficit being 92.4 percent of covered payroll.

Annual required contributions by the city increased from $34.7 million in 2003 to

$54.6 million in 2007, in which year the city contributed an additional $5.4 million

toward the accrued deficit. Thus, the city’s combined contributions to the two

systems virtually doubled in four years, from $52.4 million in 2003 to $96.8 million

in 2007.

The two city systems used the same investment manager, Callan and Associates,

until June 30, 2002. Thereafter, the Fire and Police System used a different

manager, Summit and Associates, and dispensed also with its affirmative actionoriented

Equity Fund of Funds, managed by FIS Funds Management, Inc. The

result has been something in the nature of a controlled experiment. In the ensuing

five years, the Fire and Police portfolio outperformed that of the ERS. The divergence

in the last year was 1.47 percent; over the five-year period there was an

average of 1.18 percent, or an aggregate 5.9 percent. As applied to the ERS’s $1.6

billion portfolio, this difference represents $94 million in lost potential yield,

enough to eradicate more than half the ERS actuarial deficit.

The ERS has endeavored to conceal its poor relative performance by frequently

altering its "benchmarks."16 Its composite benchmark for 2006-07 was 16.26 percent,

as against 18.2 percent for the benchmark used by the Fire and Police system.

The ERS’s composite benchmark "is comprised of 41.0 percent Russell 3000,

26.0 percent LB Aggregate, 9.0 percent CPI-W plus 6 percent, l 5.0 percent 3

month Treasury bill plus 5 percent, 5.0 percent ERS Alternative Investment and

14.0 percent MSCI ACW ex US Free index."17

16 Its composite benchmark for 2006-07 was 16.26 percent,

as against 18.2 percent for the benchmark used by the Fire and Police system.

The ERS’s composite benchmark "is comprised of 41.0 percent Russell 3000,

26.0 percent LB Aggregate, 9.0 percent CPI-W plus 6 percent, l 5.0 percent 3

month Treasury bill plus 5 percent, 5.0 percent ERS Alternative Investment and

14.0 percent MSCI ACW ex US Free index."17

17

By contrast, the Fire and Police benchmark is made up of only four components:

Russell, MSCI, Lehman, and the NCREIF property index. Inclusion of CPI

and three-month Treasury bill-based numbers in the ERS formula has no justification,

nor does inclusion of ERS’s own Alternate Investment (affirmative action)

16. See Calvert Institute, Maryland’s Pension Scandals, October 2006, p. 4.

17. ERS 2006-07 Report, 45.

Maryland’s Pension Scandals, October 2006, p. 4.

17. ERS 2006-07 Report, 45.

Maryland’s State and Local Pension Liabilities

7

yields. The 19 percent of the ERS benchmark made up of these three items is

explainable only by a purpose to depress the composite benchmark to make the

fund managers look good: had the Fire and Police benchmarks been used, the

ERS would have outperformed by 0.13 percent in 2007, and would have underperformed

by 0.17 percent annually over three years and 0.68 percent annually

over 5 years.

Baltimore County Fund

The Baltimore County Retirement System as of June 30, 2007, had a funding

ratio of 91.8 percent, down from 102.3 percent in 2002; assets of $2.1 billion; and

a funding deficit of $188.4 million, or 42.8 percent of covered payroll appears to

be fully funded. The liberality of benefits has caused costs to the operating budget

to escalate from $16.2 million in 2003 to $36.0 million in 2007.18

18

Carroll County Fund

The Carroll County pension plan as of July 1, 2006, had a commendable funding

ratio of 94.2 percent as a result of a one-time contribution in fiscal 2006, raising

the ratio from 55.9 percent in the preceding year. The remaining deficit is $0.9

million (3.2 percent of payroll); assets are $15.6 million.

Frederick County Fund

The Frederick County Employees Retirement Fund as of July 1, 2005,

amounted to $134.5 million and had an unfunded liability of $39.4 million (52.5

percent of covered payroll) and a funding ratio of 77.3 percent, having declined

from 86.4 percent as of July 1, 2000.

Howard County Funds

According to the prospectus for Howard County’s 2007 General Obligation

Bonds, Series B, County contributions to its two pension funds increased from

$12.5 million in 2003 to $24.6 million in fiscal 2008. The Police and Fire Fund,

which was only 37 percent funded when established in 1990, was 73.4 percent

funded as of July 1, 2006, with its funding deficit amounting to $65.3 million.

The County Plan for other employees was 91.5 percent funded and had a deficit

of $15.3 million.

Montgomery County Fund

The Montgomery County retirement system has recently been the subject of

substantial controversy as a result of union efforts to gain added influence over its

board. Those efforts have been strenuously resisted by its staff director, Stephen

Farber, a respected official who was formerly executive director of the National

Governors’ Conference. Montgomery County adopted a defined contribution sys-

18. Baltimore County, Five-Year Summary of General Fund Revenues and Expenditures.

Five-Year Summary of General Fund Revenues and Expenditures.

Passing the Buck: Maryland’s Unfunded Liabilities for State and Local Retirees

8

tem for all employees other than public safety employees in 1994. The defined

benefit fund for public safety employees had assets of about $2 billion as of 2005.

The plan was 98.9 percent funded as of June 30, 2000, but as a result of benefit

liberalizations enacted by County Executive Doug Duncan during his abortive

campaign for governor, the funding ratio declined to 75.7 percent as of June 30,

2005, at which point the actuarial deficit amounted to $674.5 million.19

19

As of June 5, 2008, presumably using June 30, 2007, figures, the defined benefit

plan had assets of $2.8 billion, unfunded liability was $631 million, and the

funding ratio was 79.5 percent.20 In August 2008, the fund was found to be $2.5

billion and the funding ratio was 79.7 percent.21

20 In August 2008, the fund was found to be $2.5

billion and the funding ratio was 79.7 percent.21

21

Prince George’s County Retirement Systems

Current reports for the eleven plans making up the Prince George’s County

Retirement Systems are not readily available; in 2006, the Calvert Institute was

obliged to use a Public Information Act request to obtain the July 1, 2004–June

30, 2005 report. That report revealed combined plan actuarial assets of just under

a billion dollars, $992 million, and combined actuarial deficits of $397.6 million,

producing a combined funding ratio of 59.92 percent, as follows:

Fund Actuarial Assets Funded Ratio Deficit as % of Payroll

Police $571.1 75.48% 243.48%

Fire 261.8 73.16% 238.48%

Deputy Sheriffs 23.6 50.19% 363.05%

Correctional Officers 39.4 60.24% 154.52%

Other 96.1 59.06% 55.04%

The position of at least the two largest funds, the police and fire funds, has

since deteriorated. The Fitch Bond Rating Agency reported on May 20, 2008,

"The County’s funded portion of its pension systems for police and fire are well

below average at approximately 65 percent and 60 percent respectively." This

suggests that deficits have increased by about $100 million, to $500 million, since

June 30, 2005.

Washington County Fund

The Washington County fund as of July 1, 2005 had a funding ratio of 76.1

percent, a deficit of $13.6 million (56 percent of covered payroll), and assets of

43.2 million.

19. Montgomery County Retirement System, 2004-05 Report, p. 32.

20. Addendum to Memorandum of Stephen B. Farber to Management and Fiscal

Policy Committee, Montgomery County, June 9, 2008.

21. K. Miller, "Montgomery Paid to Scrutinize Retired Officers’ Disability Pay," The

Washington Post, August 28, 2008.

Report, p. 32.

20. Addendum to Memorandum of Stephen B. Farber to Management and Fiscal

Policy Committee, Montgomery County, June 9, 2008.

21. K. Miller, "Montgomery Paid to Scrutinize Retired Officers’ Disability Pay," The

Washington Post, August 28, 2008.

The

Washington Post, August 28, 2008.

, August 28, 2008.

Maryland’s State and Local Pension Liabilities

9

Wicomico County Fund

The Wicomico County fund had a funding ratio of 84.4 percent, up from 56.8

percent in 2002, total assets of $25.6 million, and an actuarial deficit of $4.7 million

(25.2 percent of payroll).

ONGOING PROBLEMS

NGOING PROBLEMS

Defined Benefit Plans. The case for conversion of the deficit-laden defined benefit

plans to defined-contribution plans is manifest. Making this change eliminates

government’s responsibility to manage retirement fund investing, a responsibility

that many governments have failed to meet. Many other states are making

this change; Montgomery County has already done so with respect to all

employees save public safety personnel.

The case for conversion of the deficit-laden defined benefit

plans to defined-contribution plans is manifest. Making this change eliminates

government’s responsibility to manage retirement fund investing, a responsibility

that many governments have failed to meet. Many other states are making

this change; Montgomery County has already done so with respect to all

employees save public safety personnel.

Hedge Fund Investing. The Calvert Institute warned against moves toward highrisk

hedge fund investing by the Retirement Systems’ essentially amateur

boards.22 These warnings have not been heeded. The most recent Baltimore

City ERS report discloses that approximately $69 million, or 6 percent of the

portfolio, was committed to hedge funds, which returned 12.91 percent as

against 18.33 percent for the portfolio as a whole.23 The Fire and Police fund

committed $136.3 million to hedge funds, 7.1 percent of the portfolio, achieving

a yield of 15 percent as against 19.8 percent for the total portfolio.24

The Calvert Institute warned against moves toward highrisk

hedge fund investing by the Retirement Systems’ essentially amateur

boards.22 These warnings have not been heeded. The most recent Baltimore

City ERS report discloses that approximately $69 million, or 6 percent of the

portfolio, was committed to hedge funds, which returned 12.91 percent as

against 18.33 percent for the portfolio as a whole.23 The Fire and Police fund

committed $136.3 million to hedge funds, 7.1 percent of the portfolio, achieving

a yield of 15 percent as against 19.8 percent for the total portfolio.24

22 These warnings have not been heeded. The most recent Baltimore

City ERS report discloses that approximately $69 million, or 6 percent of the

portfolio, was committed to hedge funds, which returned 12.91 percent as

against 18.33 percent for the portfolio as a whole.23 The Fire and Police fund

committed $136.3 million to hedge funds, 7.1 percent of the portfolio, achieving

a yield of 15 percent as against 19.8 percent for the total portfolio.24

23 The Fire and Police fund

committed $136.3 million to hedge funds, 7.1 percent of the portfolio, achieving

a yield of 15 percent as against 19.8 percent for the total portfolio.24

24

A recent report by the Maryland Tax Education Foundation25 reaffirms these

warnings.26 The MTEF report emphasizes that hedge fund investments are rendered

unprofitable by the high commission rates paid to their managers, typically

2 percent of corpus and 20 percent of gains. As if in perverse response to

this report, the 2008 General Assembly repealed a preexisting 1.2 percent cap

on compensation of real estate and alternative investment managers.27 This

statute boldly declares: "The Board of Trustees is not limited in the amount of

investment manager fees that the board of trustees may pay as necessary for

25 reaffirms these

warnings.26 The MTEF report emphasizes that hedge fund investments are rendered

unprofitable by the high commission rates paid to their managers, typically

2 percent of corpus and 20 percent of gains. As if in perverse response to

this report, the 2008 General Assembly repealed a preexisting 1.2 percent cap

on compensation of real estate and alternative investment managers.27 This

statute boldly declares: "The Board of Trustees is not limited in the amount of

investment manager fees that the board of trustees may pay as necessary for

26 The MTEF report emphasizes that hedge fund investments are rendered

unprofitable by the high commission rates paid to their managers, typically

2 percent of corpus and 20 percent of gains. As if in perverse response to

this report, the 2008 General Assembly repealed a preexisting 1.2 percent cap

on compensation of real estate and alternative investment managers.27 This

statute boldly declares: "The Board of Trustees is not limited in the amount of

investment manager fees that the board of trustees may pay as necessary for

27 This

statute boldly declares: "The Board of Trustees is not limited in the amount of

investment manager fees that the board of trustees may pay as necessary for

22. See The Baltimore City Retirement Systems: Heading for Trouble, The Calvert

Institute, 2006, P. 25-26.

23. Baltimore City ERS Report, 2006-2007 Report, 45.

24. 2006-2007 Report, 48.

25. "Latest Research Concludes that Private Equity Funds Fail to Deliver Premium

Returns," Maryland Tax Education Foundation, July 23, 2008.

26. Cites L. Phalippou and O. Gottschalg, Performance of Private Equity Funds:

Another Puzzle, University of Florida, Warrington College of Business

Administration, 2005, and A. Metrick and A. Yasuda, The Economics of Private

Equity Funds, The Swedish Institute for Financial Research Conference, 2007.

27. S.B.384, H.B. 481, C-19, 2008 Ninety-Day Report, enacting chapter 506 of the

Acts of 2008, section 21-315(d)(2) of the State Personnel and Pensions article.

The Baltimore City Retirement Systems: Heading for Trouble, The Calvert

Institute, 2006, P. 25-26.

23. Baltimore City ERS Report, 2006-2007 Report, 45.

24. 2006-2007 Report, 48.

25. "Latest Research Concludes that Private Equity Funds Fail to Deliver Premium

Returns," Maryland Tax Education Foundation, July 23, 2008.

26. Cites L. Phalippou and O. Gottschalg, Performance of Private Equity Funds:

Another Puzzle, University of Florida, Warrington College of Business

Administration, 2005, and A. Metrick and A. Yasuda, The Economics of Private

Equity Funds, The Swedish Institute for Financial Research Conference, 2007.

27. S.B.384, H.B. 481, C-19, 2008 Ninety-Day Report, enacting chapter 506 of the

Acts of 2008, section 21-315(d)(2) of the State Personnel and Pensions article.

ERS Report, 2006-2007 Report, 45.

24. 2006-2007 Report, 48.

25. "Latest Research Concludes that Private Equity Funds Fail to Deliver Premium

Returns," Maryland Tax Education Foundation, July 23, 2008.

26. Cites L. Phalippou and O. Gottschalg, Performance of Private Equity Funds:

Another Puzzle, University of Florida, Warrington College of Business

Administration, 2005, and A. Metrick and A. Yasuda, The Economics of Private

Equity Funds, The Swedish Institute for Financial Research Conference, 2007.

27. S.B.384, H.B. 481, C-19, 2008 Ninety-Day Report, enacting chapter 506 of the

Acts of 2008, section 21-315(d)(2) of the State Personnel and Pensions article.

Report, 48.

25. "Latest Research Concludes that Private Equity Funds Fail to Deliver Premium

Returns," Maryland Tax Education Foundation, July 23, 2008.

26. Cites L. Phalippou and O. Gottschalg, Performance of Private Equity Funds:

Another Puzzle, University of Florida, Warrington College of Business

Administration, 2005, and A. Metrick and A. Yasuda, The Economics of Private

Equity Funds, The Swedish Institute for Financial Research Conference, 2007.

27. S.B.384, H.B. 481, C-19, 2008 Ninety-Day Report, enacting chapter 506 of the

Acts of 2008, section 21-315(d)(2) of the State Personnel and Pensions article.

Performance of Private Equity Funds:

Another Puzzle, University of Florida, Warrington College of Business

Administration, 2005, and A. Metrick and A. Yasuda, The Economics of Private

Equity Funds, The Swedish Institute for Financial Research Conference, 2007.

27. S.B.384, H.B. 481, C-19, 2008 Ninety-Day Report, enacting chapter 506 of the

Acts of 2008, section 21-315(d)(2) of the State Personnel and Pensions article.

University of Florida, Warrington College of Business

Administration, 2005, and A. Metrick and A. Yasuda, The Economics of Private

Equity Funds, The Swedish Institute for Financial Research Conference, 2007.

27. S.B.384, H.B. 481, C-19, 2008 Ninety-Day Report, enacting chapter 506 of the

Acts of 2008, section 21-315(d)(2) of the State Personnel and Pensions article.

The Economics of Private

Equity Funds, The Swedish Institute for Financial Research Conference, 2007.

27. S.B.384, H.B. 481, C-19, 2008 Ninety-Day Report, enacting chapter 506 of the

Acts of 2008, section 21-315(d)(2) of the State Personnel and Pensions article.

, The Swedish Institute for Financial Research Conference, 2007.

27. S.B.384, H.B. 481, C-19, 2008 Ninety-Day Report, enacting chapter 506 of the

Acts of 2008, section 21-315(d)(2) of the State Personnel and Pensions article.

Ninety-Day Report, enacting chapter 506 of the

Acts of 2008, section 21-315(d)(2) of the State Personnel and Pensions article.

Passing the Buck: Maryland’s Unfunded Liabilities for State and Local Retirees

10

external real estate or alternative investment management services." The effect

of this change will not be to improve the state’s investment return but to further

endow hedge fund managers with personal incomes in the hundreds of millions

a year, nearly all taxable as capital gains as a product of the 20 percent

profit sharing.28 There are few if any provisions, however, for repayment of 20

percent of the losses produced by hedge fund managers in recession years.

The State Retirement System, though slower in moving into hedge funds,

now has 1 percent of its portfolio, or $386 million, in private equity as of June

30, 2007, and has a new affirmative action Emerging Manager program containing

$340 million as of June 30, 2007.

28 There are few if any provisions, however, for repayment of 20

percent of the losses produced by hedge fund managers in recession years.

The State Retirement System, though slower in moving into hedge funds,

now has 1 percent of its portfolio, or $386 million, in private equity as of June

30, 2007, and has a new affirmative action Emerging Manager program containing

$340 million as of June 30, 2007.

Inadequate Fiduciary Standards. The 2006 Calvert Report urged extension in Maryland

of the Uniform Management of Public Employees Retirement Systems Act

with its duties of loyalty to preexisting as well as new systems.29 This has not

happened: see section 40-101 of the State Personnel and Pensions article as

enacted by Chapter 146 of the Acts of 2005, which exempts both the state system

and pre-existing local systems.

The 2006 Calvert Report urged extension in Maryland

of the Uniform Management of Public Employees Retirement Systems Act

with its duties of loyalty to preexisting as well as new systems.29 This has not

happened: see section 40-101 of the State Personnel and Pensions article as

enacted by Chapter 146 of the Acts of 2005, which exempts both the state system

and pre-existing local systems.

29 This has not

happened: see section 40-101 of the State Personnel and Pensions article as

enacted by Chapter 146 of the Acts of 2005, which exempts both the state system

and pre-existing local systems.

Politically-Influenced Investing. The 2006 Calvert Report urged a ban on ‘affirmative

action’ investing. Instead, the General Assembly has encouraged it, and the

state comptroller has attended a convention of the Jesse Jackson Wall Street

Project and has urged affirmative action for minority investment bankers.30

The 2006 Calvert Report urged a ban on ‘affirmative

action’ investing. Instead, the General Assembly has encouraged it, and the

state comptroller has attended a convention of the Jesse Jackson Wall Street

Project and has urged affirmative action for minority investment bankers.30

30

Amateur Boards. The 2006 Calvert Report urged that boards be constituted primarily

of financial professionals. Governor O’Malley’s appointments to the

Board of the State Retirement Systems, including that of Thurman Zollicofer,

his former ‘point man’ for politicizing City investment policy, do not further

that objective. Union agitation in Montgomery County seeks to end the tradition

of apolitical investing there, despite its excellent results and the inferior

results of union-controlled funds demonstrated in the Farber report referenced

above.

The 2006 Calvert Report urged that boards be constituted primarily

of financial professionals. Governor O’Malley’s appointments to the

Board of the State Retirement Systems, including that of Thurman Zollicofer,

his former ‘point man’ for politicizing City investment policy, do not further

that objective. Union agitation in Montgomery County seeks to end the tradition

of apolitical investing there, despite its excellent results and the inferior

results of union-controlled funds demonstrated in the Farber report referenced

above.

Industry Entertainment and Travel Abuses. The 2006 and 2007 Calvert Reports

criticized the practice of the Baltimore ERS board of extensive travel to industry-

sponsored conventions. Although cosmetic reforms were instituted, limiting

attendance at foreign conventions to one per member per year, and limiting

to three the number of board members at any conference, proposals to reduce

the $10,000 travel allowance per member to $7,500 or $8,500 were rejected at

the board’s meeting on July 20, 2006. The ERS budget for "Trustee Education"

for its small board is still twice that of the larger Fire and Police Board ($43,328

for seven members as against $22,213 for nine).

The 2006 and 2007 Calvert Reports

criticized the practice of the Baltimore ERS board of extensive travel to industry-

sponsored conventions. Although cosmetic reforms were instituted, limiting

attendance at foreign conventions to one per member per year, and limiting

to three the number of board members at any conference, proposals to reduce

the $10,000 travel allowance per member to $7,500 or $8,500 were rejected at

the board’s meeting on July 20, 2006. The ERS budget for "Trustee Education"

for its small board is still twice that of the larger Fire and Police Board ($43,328

for seven members as against $22,213 for nine).

28. See Appendix.

29. P. 29.

30. See http://www.marylandtaxes.com/publications/nr/current/pr32.asp.

Maryland’s State and Local Pension Liabilities

11

Brokerage and Management Fees. The 2006 report urged in-house internet execution

of trades and replacement of investment advisers by index funds. This has

not happened. The Baltimore Fire and Police fund in 2006–2007, with $2.3

billion in assets, spent $1.3 million on brokerage fees and $7.5 million on managers’

fees; the ERS with $1.5 billion in assets spent $0.6 million on brokerage

fees and $5.6 million on managers’ fees. The State Retirement Systems spent

$9.7 million on brokerage commissions in 2006-2007.

The 2006 report urged in-house internet execution

of trades and replacement of investment advisers by index funds. This has

not happened. The Baltimore Fire and Police fund in 2006–2007, with $2.3

billion in assets, spent $1.3 million on brokerage fees and $7.5 million on managers’

fees; the ERS with $1.5 billion in assets spent $0.6 million on brokerage

fees and $5.6 million on managers’ fees. The State Retirement Systems spent

$9.7 million on brokerage commissions in 2006-2007.

SUMMARY

UMMARY

The combined actuarial pension deficits of the State and Baltimore City, Montgomery

County, Howard County, and Prince George’s County thus amount to

about $13 billion. The state health benefits deficit and the combined local health

benefits deficits are each around $15 billion. Recent estimates of the state’s health

deficit by Credit Suisse and the Cato Institute are $5 billion to $7 billion higher

than the state’s estimate of $15 billion. Amortization of these combined deficits of

more than $45 billion could require annual sums equal to 12 percent of the

present state budget, more than twice Maryland’s total state public safety expenditures.

The need for alteration at least for new employees of the retirement health

programs and the need for converting the defined benefit pension programs into

defined contribution programs is manifest. The consequences of such changes are

benign: de-emphasis of fringe benefits in favor of salaried compensation will provide

a less immobile state work force, with fewer "time servers" and more opportunities

for new entrants.

At the least, both state and local governments must adopt credible formulas for

funding both health and pension deficits and must adhere to them. Failure to confront

such problems potentially induces not merely inflation, but hyper-inflation.

Some European and Latin American countries have seen democracy swamped by

the political consequences of inflation unleashed by improvident and unredeemed

promises by the state. The way Maryland’s elected state and local officials deal

with these issues is a sure litmus test of their political morality as individuals. Hit

and run politics will not suffice.

—George Liebmann is volunteer executive director of the Calvert Institute for Policy

Research.

 

13

MARYLANDS STATE AND LOCAL

ARYLANDS STATE AND LOCAL

RETIREMENT BENEFIT LIABILITIES

ETIREMENT BENEFIT LIABILITIES

Gabriel J. Michael

The cost of providing non-pension retirement benefits for government employees,

commonly referred to as "other post-employment benefits" (OPEB),31 is

steadily increasing. During FY 2007, the State of Maryland paid over $255 million

to subsidize its retirees’ health insurance premiums, an amount that has increased

by 220 percent since 1997, while the number of retirees receiving these benefits

has only increased by 54 percent.

31 is

steadily increasing. During FY 2007, the State of Maryland paid over $255 million

to subsidize its retirees’ health insurance premiums, an amount that has increased

by 220 percent since 1997, while the number of retirees receiving these benefits

has only increased by 54 percent.

Table 1 – Maryland’s OPEB Pay-As-You-Go Funding, 1997-2007

Source: State CAFRs

Unlike pension systems, which rely on investments and are funded by contributions

from employees and employers that are paid in during the workers’ years

of employment, OPEB have traditionally been provided on a pay-as-you-go

(PAYGO) basis. That is, funding for FY 2007 OPEB expenditures came from the

FY 2007 state budget. However, Maryland must be compliant with the Governmental

Accounting Standards Board Statement 45 (GASB 45) beginning in FY

2008, and that standard requires governments to assess and disclose estimates of

their total OPEB liabilities. As has been reported elsewhere, preliminary estimates

are staggering, and are likely to present serious fiscal challenges to state and local

31. The major portion of OPEB consists of health care benefits; however, depending

upon the employer, OPEB may also include dental benefits, vision benefits, life

insurance, prescription drug plans, and other types of benefits.

Year PAYGO % change Beneficiaries % change

1997 $79,840,000 n/a 21,991 n/a

1998 $59,179,293 -25.9% 22,055 0.3%

1999 $79,885,000 35.0% 22,100 0.2%

2000 $84,475,000 5.7% 35,382 60.1%

2001 $95,447,000 13.0% 29,792 -15.8%

2002 $109,838,000 15.1% 29,670 -0.4%

2003 $125,209,000 14.0% 31,080 4.8%

2004 $135,806,000 8.5% 32,451 4.4%

2005 $145,919,000 7.4% 33,641 3.7%

2006 $236,328,000 62.0% 33,953 0.9%

2007 $255,929,000 8.3% 33,939 0.0%

Passing the Buck: Maryland’s Unfunded Liabilities for State and Local Retirees

14

governments in coming years. More than simply the challenge of paying for promises

made in the past, a government’s inability to begin paying down its OPEB liabilities

has the potential to adversely affect that government’s bond ratings.32 This

increases the cost of borrowing for that government.

As of 2007, various sources have estimated the State of Maryland’s OPEB

unfunded actuarial accrued liability (UAAL) to be anywhere from $14.5 billion to

$22.9 billion.33 In order to obtain a more up-to-date figure, I contacted the State

of Maryland’s Department of Legislative Services Office of Policy Analysis. The

Office provided a more up-to-date figure—an actuarial valuation conducted for

FY 2007. This figure represents the most recent actuarial valuation available at the

time of writing. Since GASB 45 will be implemented for the first time this year, a

new actuarial valuation may be completed in time for inclusion in Maryland’s FY

2008 Comprehensive Annual Financial Report (CAFR).

The report examines Maryland’s liabilities for future OPEB for state and local

employees. This information is important for two reasons: First, it indicates how

much future government revenue will be directed toward compensating retired

government employees instead of to other public purposes. Second, it informs the

regular debates on employee compensation; there are strong incentives for both

government personnel managers and union leaders to agree to currently

unfunded future compensation for government employees, but those agreements

impose considerable cost and uncertainty on both taxpayers and employees. It is

hoped that this report will lead to a more transparent and sustainable OPEB system

in Maryland.

32 This

increases the cost of borrowing for that government.

As of 2007, various sources have estimated the State of Maryland’s OPEB

unfunded actuarial accrued liability (UAAL) to be anywhere from $14.5 billion to

$22.9 billion.33 In order to obtain a more up-to-date figure, I contacted the State

of Maryland’s Department of Legislative Services Office of Policy Analysis. The

Office provided a more up-to-date figure—an actuarial valuation conducted for

FY 2007. This figure represents the most recent actuarial valuation available at the

time of writing. Since GASB 45 will be implemented for the first time this year, a

new actuarial valuation may be completed in time for inclusion in Maryland’s FY

2008 Comprehensive Annual Financial Report (CAFR).

The report examines Maryland’s liabilities for future OPEB for state and local

employees. This information is important for two reasons: First, it indicates how

much future government revenue will be directed toward compensating retired

government employees instead of to other public purposes. Second, it informs the

regular debates on employee compensation; there are strong incentives for both

government personnel managers and union leaders to agree to currently

unfunded future compensation for government employees, but those agreements

impose considerable cost and uncertainty on both taxpayers and employees. It is

hoped that this report will lead to a more transparent and sustainable OPEB system

in Maryland.

33 In order to obtain a more up-to-date figure, I contacted the State

of Maryland’s Department of Legislative Services Office of Policy Analysis. The

Office provided a more up-to-date figure—an actuarial valuation conducted for

FY 2007. This figure represents the most recent actuarial valuation available at the

time of writing. Since GASB 45 will be implemented for the first time this year, a

new actuarial valuation may be completed in time for inclusion in Maryland’s FY

2008 Comprehensive Annual Financial Report (CAFR).

The report examines Maryland’s liabilities for future OPEB for state and local

employees. This information is important for two reasons: First, it indicates how

much future government revenue will be directed toward compensating retired

government employees instead of to other public purposes. Second, it informs the

regular debates on employee compensation; there are strong incentives for both

government personnel managers and union leaders to agree to currently

unfunded future compensation for government employees, but those agreements

impose considerable cost and uncertainty on both taxpayers and employees. It is

hoped that this report will lead to a more transparent and sustainable OPEB system

in Maryland.

THE STATE OF MARYLAND

HE STATE OF MARYLAND

The State of Maryland’s most recent actuarial valuation was performed by Buck

Consultants in December 2007 and presents estimates as of July 1, 2007. What

follows is a brief overview of this valuation that will aid the reader in understanding

the results of other actuarial valuations as they are reported.

32. For example, Fitch, a credit rating agency, has stated: "[S]teady progress toward

reaching the actuarially determined annual contribution level will be critical to

sound credit quality. An absence of action taken to fund OPEB liabilities or

otherwise manage them will be viewed as a negative rating factor." For further

statements from credit rating agencies, see The Pew Center on the States,

Promises with a Price: Public Sector Retirement Benefits, 20.

33. See Promises with a Price; Cato Institute, Unfunded State and Local Health Costs:

$1.4 Trillion; Credit Suisse, You Dropped a Bomb on Me, GASB.

, 20.

33. See Promises with a Price; Cato Institute, Unfunded State and Local Health Costs:

$1.4 Trillion; Credit Suisse, You Dropped a Bomb on Me, GASB.

Promises with a Price; Cato Institute, Unfunded State and Local Health Costs:

$1.4 Trillion; Credit Suisse, You Dropped a Bomb on Me, GASB.

; Credit Suisse, You Dropped a Bomb on Me, GASB.

Maryland’s State and Local Retirement Benefit Liabilities

15

Table 2 – Maryland’s OPEB Liabilities and ARC

($ in billions)

Source: GASB 45, July 1, 2007 Actuarial Valuation

By their very nature, actuarial valuations attempt to measure the unknown.

They rely on a large number of assumptions, and even a small change in any one

of these can result in a vastly different estimate. As a result, it is important to keep

in mind that no one figure can tell the whole story. Usually, as is the case here,

actuarial valuations will provide several different estimates of the UAAL based on

differing discount rates.34 Changes in the discount rate drastically affect the calculation

of the UAAL, with the result that showing the UAAL without its accompanying

discount rate is essentially meaningless and often misleading.

This valuation provides estimates based on two different discount rates: an

unfunded rate of 4.25 percent, and a funded rate of 7.75 percent. These two rates

reflect the differing returns on investments governments can expect if they continue

to use a PAYGO method (unfunded), which relies on general government

funds with an earning potential limited by strict investment policies, versus establishing

an irrevocable trust to pay for OPEB liabilities (funded). In reality, however,

the actual discount rate is likely to fall somewhere between the low

(unfunded) and high (funded) figures, reflecting partial funding. Method 1 and

Method 2 refer to two different methods of calculation, resulting in slightly different

estimates. The worst-case scenario, then, estimates a $15.2 billion liability that

would necessitate a $1.2 billion annual required contribution (ARC).35

34 Changes in the discount rate drastically affect the calculation

of the UAAL, with the result that showing the UAAL without its accompanying

discount rate is essentially meaningless and often misleading.

This valuation provides estimates based on two different discount rates: an

unfunded rate of 4.25 percent, and a funded rate of 7.75 percent. These two rates

reflect the differing returns on investments governments can expect if they continue

to use a PAYGO method (unfunded), which relies on general government

funds with an earning potential limited by strict investment policies, versus establishing

an irrevocable trust to pay for OPEB liabilities (funded). In reality, however,

the actual discount rate is likely to fall somewhere between the low

(unfunded) and high (funded) figures, reflecting partial funding. Method 1 and

Method 2 refer to two different methods of calculation, resulting in slightly different

estimates. The worst-case scenario, then, estimates a $15.2 billion liability that

would necessitate a $1.2 billion annual required contribution (ARC).35

35

Another important assumption besides the discount rate is the expected rate of

increase of the cost of health care. This rate has been so exceedingly high in recent

34. In this context, the discount rate is "the interest rate assumption the state is

allowed to apply to current assets used to pay future bills" (Promises with a Price,

52).

35. The ARC is "The amount of money that actuaries calculate the employer needs

to contribute to the plan during the current year for benefits to be fully funded

by the end of the amortization period. (This calculation assumes the employer

will continue contributing the ARC on a consistent basis.) The ARC is made up

of ‘normal cost’ (sometimes referred to as ‘service cost’)—the cost of benefits

earned by employees in the current year—and an additional amount that will

enable the government to reduce unfunded past service costs to zero by the end

of the amortization period" (Promises with a Price, 14).

Promises with a Price,

52).

35. The ARC is "The amount of money that actuaries calculate the employer needs

to contribute to the plan during the current year for benefits to be fully funded

by the end of the amortization period. (This calculation assumes the employer

will continue contributing the ARC on a consistent basis.) The ARC is made up

of ‘normal cost’ (sometimes referred to as ‘service cost’)—the cost of benefits

earned by employees in the current year—and an additional amount that will

enable the government to reduce unfunded past service costs to zero by the end

of the amortization period" (Promises with a Price, 14).

Promises with a Price, 14).

UAAL ARC Discount Rate

Method 1 $15.193 $1.193 4.25%

$9.172 $0.809 7.75%

Method 2 $14.977 $1.169 4.25%

$8.666 $0.794 7.75%

$15.193 $1.193 4.25%

$9.172 $0.809 7.75%

Method 2 $14.977 $1.169 4.25%

$8.666 $0.794 7.75%

Passing the Buck: Maryland’s Unfunded Liabilities for State and Local Retirees

16

years that a linear increase over the next several years is considered unsustainable.

36 To take account of the high rates of increase in recent years but still provide

meaningful estimates, "standard actuarial practice…is to assume an initial

rate consistent with recent increases decreasing gradually to an ‘ultimate trend,’

which is consistent with the best estimate of GNP growth."37 However, if the rate

of increase of health care cost does not stabilize as expected, current estimates of

OPEB liabilities will be understated, perhaps greatly so.

This valuation, for example, provides three estimates, each calculated with a

different rate of increase in health care cost. The $15.2 billion figure assumes a

"baseline" rate of increase. If costs rise more quickly than expected, the UAAL

would increase to $16.9 billion; however, if costs rise less quickly than expected,

the UAAL would decrease to $13.7 billion. These three figures all assume the

unfunded discount rate of 4.25 percent. Most actuarial valuations provide a "sensitivity

analysis" that offers adjusted estimates of OPEB liabilities in the event that

health care costs rise more quickly than expected. While these adjusted estimates

will not be reported below, they can be found online at http://www.mdpolicy.org/

research/pubID.215/pub_detail.asp.

To provide another data point, compare the information reported in Maryland’s

FY 2007 CAFR. The CAFR refers to an earlier actuarial report, prepared for June

30, 2006, and estimates the state’s actuarial accrued liability (AAL)38 to be $14.5

billion at a 4.3 percent discount rate, and $9.0 billion at a 7.8 percent discount

rate. Thus, while the state’s estimates have increased slightly over the course of a

year, they are still significantly less than the $20.4 billion to $22.9 billion in liabilities

estimated by the Cato Institute and Credit Suisse respectively.

Finally, note the size of the ARC. Even under the most liberal assumptions (a

7.75 percent discount rate), the ARC represents more than a 210 percent increase

over FY 2007’s PAYGO amount, while at a conservative discount rate of 4.25 percent,

the ARC represents a 366 percent increase. An ARC of $1.2 billion would

have accounted for approximately 4 percent of FY 2008’s total expenditures.

While 4 percent may not seem very high, to put that number in perspective, consider

that Maryland’s public safety–related expenses accounted for 6 percent of FY

2008’s total expenditures.39

To take account of the high rates of increase in recent years but still provide

meaningful estimates, "standard actuarial practice…is to assume an initial

rate consistent with recent increases decreasing gradually to an ‘ultimate trend,’

which is consistent with the best estimate of GNP growth."37 However, if the rate

of increase of health care cost does not stabilize as expected, current estimates of

OPEB liabilities will be understated, perhaps greatly so.

This valuation, for example, provides three estimates, each calculated with a

different rate of increase in health care cost. The $15.2 billion figure assumes a

"baseline" rate of increase. If costs rise more quickly than expected, the UAAL

would increase to $16.9 billion; however, if costs rise less quickly than expected,

the UAAL would decrease to $13.7 billion. These three figures all assume the

unfunded discount rate of 4.25 percent. Most actuarial valuations provide a "sensitivity

analysis" that offers adjusted estimates of OPEB liabilities in the event that

health care costs rise more quickly than expected. While these adjusted estimates

will not be reported below, they can be found online at http://www.mdpolicy.org/

research/pubID.215/pub_detail.asp.

To provide another data point, compare the information reported in Maryland’s

FY 2007 CAFR. The CAFR refers to an earlier actuarial report, prepared for June

30, 2006, and estimates the state’s actuarial accrued liability (AAL)38 to be $14.5

billion at a 4.3 percent discount rate, and $9.0 billion at a 7.8 percent discount

rate. Thus, while the state’s estimates have increased slightly over the course of a

year, they are still significantly less than the $20.4 billion to $22.9 billion in liabilities

estimated by the Cato Institute and Credit Suisse respectively.

Finally, note the size of the ARC. Even under the most liberal assumptions (a

7.75 percent discount rate), the ARC represents more than a 210 percent increase

over FY 2007’s PAYGO amount, while at a conservative discount rate of 4.25 percent,

the ARC represents a 366 percent increase. An ARC of $1.2 billion would

have accounted for approximately 4 percent of FY 2008’s total expenditures.

While 4 percent may not seem very high, to put that number in perspective, consider

that Maryland’s public safety–related expenses accounted for 6 percent of FY

2008’s total expenditures.39

37 However, if the rate

of increase of health care cost does not stabilize as expected, current estimates of

OPEB liabilities will be understated, perhaps greatly so.

This valuation, for example, provides three estimates, each calculated with a

different rate of increase in health care cost. The $15.2 billion figure assumes a

"baseline" rate of increase. If costs rise more quickly than expected, the UAAL

would increase to $16.9 billion; however, if costs rise less quickly than expected,

the UAAL would decrease to $13.7 billion. These three figures all assume the

unfunded discount rate of 4.25 percent. Most actuarial valuations provide a "sensitivity

analysis" that offers adjusted estimates of OPEB liabilities in the event that

health care costs rise more quickly than expected. While these adjusted estimates

will not be reported below, they can be found online at http://www.mdpolicy.org/

research/pubID.215/pub_detail.asp.

To provide another data point, compare the information reported in Maryland’s

FY 2007 CAFR. The CAFR refers to an earlier actuarial report, prepared for June

30, 2006, and estimates the state’s actuarial accrued liability (AAL)38 to be $14.5

billion at a 4.3 percent discount rate, and $9.0 billion at a 7.8 percent discount

rate. Thus, while the state’s estimates have increased slightly over the course of a

year, they are still significantly less than the $20.4 billion to $22.9 billion in liabilities

estimated by the Cato Institute and Credit Suisse respectively.

Finally, note the size of the ARC. Even under the most liberal assumptions (a

7.75 percent discount rate), the ARC represents more than a 210 percent increase

over FY 2007’s PAYGO amount, while at a conservative discount rate of 4.25 percent,

the ARC represents a 366 percent increase. An ARC of $1.2 billion would

have accounted for approximately 4 percent of FY 2008’s total expenditures.

While 4 percent may not seem very high, to put that number in perspective, consider

that Maryland’s public safety–related expenses accounted for 6 percent of FY

2008’s total expenditures.39

http://www.mdpolicy.org/

research/pubID.215/pub_detail.asp.

To provide another data point, compare the information reported in Maryland’s

FY 2007 CAFR. The CAFR refers to an earlier actuarial report, prepared for June

30, 2006, and estimates the state’s actuarial accrued liability (AAL)38 to be $14.5

billion at a 4.3 percent discount rate, and $9.0 billion at a 7.8 percent discount

rate. Thus, while the state’s estimates have increased slightly over the course of a

year, they are still significantly less than the $20.4 billion to $22.9 billion in liabilities

estimated by the Cato Institute and Credit Suisse respectively.

Finally, note the size of the ARC. Even under the most liberal assumptions (a

7.75 percent discount rate), the ARC represents more than a 210 percent increase

over FY 2007’s PAYGO amount, while at a conservative discount rate of 4.25 percent,

the ARC represents a 366 percent increase. An ARC of $1.2 billion would

have accounted for approximately 4 percent of FY 2008’s total expenditures.

While 4 percent may not seem very high, to put that number in perspective, consider

that Maryland’s public safety–related expenses accounted for 6 percent of FY

2008’s total expenditures.39

.

To provide another data point, compare the information reported in Maryland’s

FY 2007 CAFR. The CAFR refers to an earlier actuarial report, prepared for June

30, 2006, and estimates the state’s actuarial accrued liability (AAL)38 to be $14.5

billion at a 4.3 percent discount rate, and $9.0 billion at a 7.8 percent discount

rate. Thus, while the state’s estimates have increased slightly over the course of a

year, they are still significantly less than the $20.4 billion to $22.9 billion in liabilities

estimated by the Cato Institute and Credit Suisse respectively.

Finally, note the size of the ARC. Even under the most liberal assumptions (a

7.75 percent discount rate), the ARC represents more than a 210 percent increase

over FY 2007’s PAYGO amount, while at a conservative discount rate of 4.25 percent,

the ARC represents a 366 percent increase. An ARC of $1.2 billion would

have accounted for approximately 4 percent of FY 2008’s total expenditures.

While 4 percent may not seem very high, to put that number in perspective, consider

that Maryland’s public safety–related expenses accounted for 6 percent of FY

2008’s total expenditures.39

38 to be $14.5

billion at a 4.3 percent discount rate, and $9.0 billion at a 7.8 percent discount

rate. Thus, while the state’s estimates have increased slightly over the course of a

year, they are still significantly less than the $20.4 billion to $22.9 billion in liabilities

estimated by the Cato Institute and Credit Suisse respectively.

Finally, note the size of the ARC. Even under the most liberal assumptions (a

7.75 percent discount rate), the ARC represents more than a 210 percent increase

over FY 2007’s PAYGO amount, while at a conservative discount rate of 4.25 percent,

the ARC represents a 366 percent increase. An ARC of $1.2 billion would

have accounted for approximately 4 percent of FY 2008’s total expenditures.

While 4 percent may not seem very high, to put that number in perspective, consider

that Maryland’s public safety–related expenses accounted for 6 percent of FY

2008’s total expenditures.39

39

36. Consider the argument made in Howard County’s actuarial valuation: "To

assume per capita claim trends will continue to increase indefinitely as they have

in the last few years would result in costs that are so large as to be implausible.

Increases of this magnitude cannot be sustained indefinitely because, if they do

so, health care expenditures will eventually consume an unacceptable

percentage of the gross national product" (Howard County, GASB 45 Task Force

Final Report, 7). Similar statements are to be found in almost every actuarial

valuation of OPEB liabilities.

37. Howard County, GASB 45 Task Force Final Report, 7.

38. Note that in this case, the AAL and the UAAL are the same, because there has

been no funding set aside.

GASB 45 Task Force

Final Report, 7). Similar statements are to be found in almost every actuarial

valuation of OPEB liabilities.

37. Howard County, GASB 45 Task Force Final Report, 7.

38. Note that in this case, the AAL and the UAAL are the same, because there has

been no funding set aside.

, 7). Similar statements are to be found in almost every actuarial

valuation of OPEB liabilities.

37. Howard County, GASB 45 Task Force Final Report, 7.

38. Note that in this case, the AAL and the UAAL are the same, because there has

been no funding set aside.

GASB 45 Task Force Final Report, 7.

38. Note that in this case, the AAL and the UAAL are the same, because there has

been no funding set aside.

Maryland’s State and Local Retirement Benefit Liabilities

17

The legislature balanced the budget by excising "$99.7 million in funds set

aside toward the State’s unfunded retiree health care liability. After this action, the

State is appropriating about $100.0 million per year toward this liability in each of

fiscal 2008 and 2009.40 Furthermore, according to the Department of Legislative

Services,

The fiscal 2009 proposed budget allocated $207.8 million across all

fund types to pre-fund the OPEB liability, which chiefly represents the

estimated value of health insurance subsidies for future retirees. Revenue

write downs prompted reductions to this level of funding and

$105.2 million will be appropriated for transfer to an irrevocable OPEB

trust, where the monies will be invested by the State Retirement Agency.

Senate Bill 540 (passed) moves $100.0 million from the DPA leaving

$100 million as the fiscal 2008 contribution to OPEB pre-funding, thus

creating continuity in the State’s approach to addressing this future

financial obligation.41

40 Furthermore, according to the Department of Legislative

Services,

The fiscal 2009 proposed budget allocated $207.8 million across all

fund types to pre-fund the OPEB liability, which chiefly represents the

estimated value of health insurance subsidies for future retirees. Revenue

write downs prompted reductions to this level of funding and

$105.2 million will be appropriated for transfer to an irrevocable OPEB

trust, where the monies will be invested by the State Retirement Agency.

Senate Bill 540 (passed) moves $100.0 million from the DPA leaving

$100 million as the fiscal 2008 contribution to OPEB pre-funding, thus

creating continuity in the State’s approach to addressing this future

financial obligation.41

41

‘Continuity’ is achieved by reducing appropriations to half those originally

thought to be necessary.

THE COUNTIES AND BALTIMORE CITY

HE COUNTIES AND BALTIMORE CITY

In addition to the OPEB liabilities of state government, it is crucial to consider

the liabilities of local governments that, according to Credit Suisse analysts,

account for nearly two-thirds of the nation’s total liabilities.42 Senate Bill 945,

originally introduced in the Maryland State Senate on February 25, 2008, includes

a fiscal and policy note with estimates of OPEB liabilities for most of Maryland’s

23 counties and Baltimore City. These estimates were obtained from the Maryland

Association of Counties (MACo). Michael Sanderson, MACo’s legislative director,

indicated that MACo obtained these estimates unofficially, essentially by calling

each county’s finance office and asking for an estimate over the telephone. The

estimates thus vary widely as to accuracy and age, and as to whether they include

the liabilities of component units such as school boards, libraries, and community

colleges. Additionally, MACo’s estimates do not include any information for Baltimore

City and Kent, Somerset, and Talbot Counties. Mr. Sanderson also indicated

that MACo had no more recent estimates of any of the counties’ OPEB liabilities.

The most recent CAFR for 22 counties and Baltimore City provided more upto-

date information on each county’s liabilities.43 Almost all of the CAFRs contain

42 Senate Bill 945,

originally introduced in the Maryland State Senate on February 25, 2008, includes

a fiscal and policy note with estimates of OPEB liabilities for most of Maryland’s

23 counties and Baltimore City. These estimates were obtained from the Maryland

Association of Counties (MACo). Michael Sanderson, MACo’s legislative director,

indicated that MACo obtained these estimates unofficially, essentially by calling

each county’s finance office and asking for an estimate over the telephone. The

estimates thus vary widely as to accuracy and age, and as to whether they include

the liabilities of component units such as school boards, libraries, and community

colleges. Additionally, MACo’s estimates do not include any information for Baltimore

City and Kent, Somerset, and Talbot Counties. Mr. Sanderson also indicated

that MACo had no more recent estimates of any of the counties’ OPEB liabilities.

The most recent CAFR for 22 counties and Baltimore City provided more upto-

date information on each county’s liabilities.43 Almost all of the CAFRs contain

43 Almost all of the CAFRs contain

39. Maryland Department of Budget and Management, FY 2009 Budget Highlights.

, FY 2009 Budget Highlights.

40. Ninety-Day Report, The Department of Legislative Services 2008, A-13.

41. Ibid., A-32.

42. You Dropped a Bomb on Me, GASB, 3.

43. The only county for which I could not obtain a CAFR was Somerset County.

Ninety-Day Report, The Department of Legislative Services 2008, A-13.

41. Ibid., A-32.

42. You Dropped a Bomb on Me, GASB, 3.

43. The only county for which I could not obtain a CAFR was Somerset County.

Ibid., A-32.

42. You Dropped a Bomb on Me, GASB, 3.

43. The only county for which I could not obtain a CAFR was Somerset County.

You Dropped a Bomb on Me, GASB, 3.

43. The only county for which I could not obtain a CAFR was Somerset County.

Passing the Buck: Maryland’s Unfunded Liabilities for State and Local Retirees

18

at least a passing mention of the OPEB liability issue, and a statement on the

implementation of GASB 45; counties are also required to disclose the amount of

money spent during the year on a pay-as-you-go basis for the provision of OPEB.

Some CAFRs contain detailed statements regarding OPEB liabilities, including

estimates of the total UAAL and the necessary annual required contribution to

fully fund the UAAL over a period of time, typically 30 years.

Because of the legal distinction between a county government and its component

units, entities such as school boards, libraries, and community colleges are

required to produce their own CAFRs. Recognizing that appropriations for school

boards often make up nearly half of a county’s budget, and that school boards are

often one of the largest employers in a county, the most recent CAFRs for 14 counties’

school boards and the Baltimore City Public School System were needed.

Those 14 counties include all 10 counties originally estimated by MACo to have

OPEB liabilities exceeding $200 million.

Finally, many counties have contracted to have actuarial valuations performed

to assess their OPEB liabilities. These valuations, while public information, are

usually not made easily accessible but are available under the Maryland Public

Information Act (MPIA) for the 10 counties that were originally estimated by

MACo to have OPEB liabilities exceeding $200 million, and for Baltimore City.

The actuarial valuations for Dorchester and Garrett Counties were available without

filing MPIA requests. Of the 11 MPIA requests sent, all were fulfilled within

the 30-day window required by Maryland law.

MACo’s estimates for 20 counties already approach $11 billion, and do not

include Baltimore City, which Credit Suisse analysts estimate to have a $2.7 billion

liability alone. Just as the cost of providing OPEB for state government retirees has

been dramatically increasing, the cost of providing OPEB for local government

retirees has also been increasing. Table 3 indicates the rising cost of OPEB for two

counties and Baltimore City over the past several years. From 2002 to 2007, the

pay-as-you-go expenditures of Baltimore City, Montgomery County, and Prince

George’s County increased by 85 percent, 77 percent, and 89 percent respectively,

while during the same length of time, the number of beneficiaries only increased

by 27 percent, 30 percent, and 25 percent.

Table 3 – OPEB Pay-As-You-Go Funding for

Two Counties and Baltimore City

Source: County CAFRs

Entity 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007

Baltimore City PAYGO $63,321,000 $70,747,000 $55,230,000 $102,791,000 $120,646,000 $116,923,777

Beneficiaries 19,434 19,556 20,114 20,415 19,976 24,761

Montgomery PAYGO $13,481,000 $13,970,000 $17,763,240 $16,512,900 $21,587,860 $23,924,080

Beneficiaries 3,685 3,900 4,105 4,270 4,493 4,790

Prince George's PAYGO $10,400,000 $12,400,000 $14,300,000 $16,000,000 $18,000,000 $19,700,000

Beneficiaries 2,619 2,743 2,857 3,043 3,179 3,279

Maryland’s State and Local Retirement Benefit Liabilities

19

Directly comparing the OPEB liabilities of Maryland’s counties is difficult. Some

actuarial valuations contain estimates for the primary government as well as all of

its component units (school boards, community colleges, libraries, et cetera),

whereas other valuations only contain information for the primary government.44

44

This is problematic because a school board’s liabilities alone may easily dwarf the

rest of a county’s liabilities. The discount rates and health care cost trend assumptions

vary from county to county, and in several instances are not provided. With

these limitations in mind, however, Table 4 offers a summary of the most recent

estimates for 12 of Maryland’s counties and Baltimore City. Where multiple discount

rates were used, the resulting multiple estimates have all been included.

Table 4 – OPEB Liabilities and ARC for 12 Counties and Baltimore City

* The discount rate is unknown.

Source: County Actuarial Valuations and County CAFRS

44. Sometimes it is unclear whether the estimates provided are only for a primary

government, or include component units. In these cases, I assumed the

estimates only included the primary government.

Ent i ty UAAL ARC Discount Rate County School Col lege Library

Anne Arundel $2,341,238,155 $179,422,000 4.00% X X X X

$1,679,962,532 $139,825,000 6.00% X X X X

$1,270,024,474 $117,573,000 8.00% X X X X

Bal t imore $1,765,553,000 $148,893,000 7.88% X X X X

Bal t imore Ci t y $2,149,800,000 $164,600,000 6.70% X X

Carrol l $161,006,000 $15,609,000 4.00% X

$130,235,824 $12,949,370 5.20% X

$98,197,000 $10,277,000 7.00% X

Charles $159,294,000 $15,162,000 4.00% X

$73,905,000 $7,980,000 8.00% X

Dorchester $19,302,364 $1,732,488 4.50% X

Frederick $292,278,000 $23,331,000 4.00% X

$148,969,000 $13,858,000 7.75% X

Garret t $40,987,000 $3,814,000 4.50% X X X X

$31,576,000 $2,851,000 7.00% X X X X

Harford $264,193,000 $25,820,000 4.00% X

$126,613,000 $14,198,000 8.00% X

How ard $897,300,000 $91,500,000 4.00% X X X X

$476,600,000 $53,200,000 7.50% X X X X

Montgomery $2,080,618,000 $173,449,000 4.00% X

$1,086,143,000 $103,401,000 8.00% X

$2,600,000,000 $240,000,000 * X X X X

Prince George's $762,335,239 $66,158,240 7.00% X X

$708,171,354 $63,077,351 7.50% X X

St . M ary's $111,845,000 $8,664,000 4.00% X

$50,135,000 $4,617,000 7.75% X

Passing the Buck: Maryland’s Unfunded Liabilities for State and Local Retirees

20

The few estimates that are directly comparable to MACo’s estimates in Senate

Bill 945 paint a very different picture. For example, MACo estimated Anne Arundel

County’s total liability for all major component units to be approximately $1.3

billion. However, MACo did not specify the discount rate for this estimate. By

referring to the actuarial valuation from which this estimate is taken, we can see

that the $1.3 billion figure was calculated using an 8 percent discount rate, i.e.,

assuming full funding. This is unrealistic, and Anne Arundel County’s actuarial

valuation states as much.45 A more realistic discount rate of 6 percent increases

the county’s liability to about $1.7 billion, while a very conservative rate of 4 percent

puts the liability at approximately $2.3 billion.

We encounter the same problem with MACo’s estimates of Howard County’s

total liability. The $477 million figure assumes a generous discount rate of 7.5 percent.

If the liability is calculated with a 4 percent discount rate, it nearly doubles

to $897 million. As noted above, the actual liability is likely to fall somewhere in

between these two figures. These two examples clearly show why any estimate of

OPEB liabilities without an accompanying discount rate is likely to be misleading.

Only five counties have provided estimates for both the primary government

and all major component units. In some cases, other sources provide estimates of

the liabilities of other component units, typically school boards. However, it is

improper to combine these estimates with the estimates for the primary government,

either because different actuarial assumptions were used to calculate them,

or it is unknown what actuarial assumptions were used. Estimates from other

sources for other component units are therefore provided in Table 5.

45 A more realistic discount rate of 6 percent increases

the county’s liability to about $1.7 billion, while a very conservative rate of 4 percent

puts the liability at approximately $2.3 billion.

We encounter the same problem with MACo’s estimates of Howard County’s

total liability. The $477 million figure assumes a generous discount rate of 7.5 percent.

If the liability is calculated with a 4 percent discount rate, it nearly doubles

to $897 million. As noted above, the actual liability is likely to fall somewhere in

between these two figures. These two examples clearly show why any estimate of

OPEB liabilities without an accompanying discount rate is likely to be misleading.

Only five counties have provided estimates for both the primary government

and all major component units. In some cases, other sources provide estimates of

the liabilities of other component units, typically school boards. However, it is

improper to combine these estimates with the estimates for the primary government,

either because different actuarial assumptions were used to calculate them,

or it is unknown what actuarial assumptions were used. Estimates from other

sources for other component units are therefore provided in Table 5.

45. "[I]t is unlikely that the County’s OPEB liability will be able to be fully funded

for FY2008. It is more likely that some ‘blended’ rate of return will be dictated

by the GASB rules. This blended rate will likely be closer to the ‘true’ rate of

about 6.0% than either the ‘unfunded’ or the ‘funded’ rates" (Anne Arundel

County, GASB 45 Task Force Final Report, 16).

GASB 45 Task Force Final Report, 16).

Maryland’s State and Local Retirement Benefit Liabilities

21

Table 5 – OPEB Liabilities and ARC for Some Component Units

* The ARC is specified as 12.6 percent of general payroll. 12.6 percent of FY 2008's

compensation expenditures is $133,512,322.

** The discount rate is unknown.

Source: County Actuarial Valuations and County CAFRs

By referring to Tables 4 and 5, we see that for the four counties with separate

estimates for the primary government and public schools (Charles, Harford,

Prince George’s, and St. Mary’s Counties), in each case the OPEB liabilities of the

public school system significantly exceed the OPEB liabilities of the primary government.

This is to be expected, as the public school system typically employs significantly

more people than the primary government. Unfortunately, this means

that for all of the counties in Table 4 whose estimates do not include the public

school system, we should expect OPEB liabilities for these school systems that are

at least as high, and probably much higher, than the reported OPEB liabilities of

their county’s primary government. A more accurate assessment of the school systems’

liabilities will require obtaining those systems’ actuarial valuations or waiting

until the schools disclose the liabilities in their CAFRs.

Table 6 contains data revealing the amount that each of Maryland’s counties

(except Somerset) and Baltimore City spent to provide OPEB on a pay-as-you-go

basis in FY 2007. The counties are required to disclose this information in their

CAFRs. For counties that provide historical CAFRs, the PAYGO amount for FY

2006 is also reported. Between 2006 and 2007, of the 14 counties for which there

are data, the PAYGO amount increased in 11 and decreased in three. Year to year

decreases in the PAYGO amount are inconsistent with historical trends, and may

be the result of an unusually high PAYGO amount in 2006.

Entity UAAL ARC Discount Rate

Charles County Public Schools $122,900,000 $11,300,000 * *

$110,900,000 $10,100,000 * *

Harford County Public Schools $361,962,000 $34,905,000 6.75%

$305,466,000 $31,180,000 8.00%

Prince George's County Public Schools $1,500,000,000 * * *

St . Mary's County Public Schools $160,684,000 $14,390,000 4.00%

$81,154,000 $7,991,000 7.75%

St . Mary's County Library $3,246,000 $277,000 4.00%

$1,707,000 $169,000 7.75%

St . Mary's County Metropolitan Commission $9,459,000 $1,013,000 4.00%

$4,232,000 $506,000 7.75%

Wicomico County Public Schools $30,475,000 $2,432,000 7.50%

Passing the Buck: Maryland’s Unfunded Liabilities for State and Local Retirees

22

Table 6 – OPEB PAYGO for 22 Counties and Baltimore City

* Includes primary government and all major component units

** Includes primary government, community college, and library

Source: County Actuarial Valuations and County CAFRs

In an attempt to make clear the difficulty for counties to fully fund their ARC,

Table 6 also expresses the ARC as a percentage of 2007’s PAYGO amount for each

county for which data are available. The ARC ranges anywhere from about one

and a half to 11 times a county’s 2007 PAYGO amount, presenting an extremely

heavy financial burden.

Many counties and some of their component units have taken steps to offset

the effects of implementing GASB 45 by setting aside money for an OPEB trust.

An OPEB trust, much like a pension trust, would invest its assets with the intention

of paying for OPEB out of the investment returns, instead of diverting more

and more taxpayer money from the general fund each year, as is currently the

practice with pay-as-you-go. The money for OPEB "prefunding," as it is called,

typically is designated from a previous year’s budget surplus.

With the passage of Senate Bill 945 in May 2008, local governments are now

authorized to create these OPEB trusts. Table 7 indicates the amounts that various

counties have set aside for the prefunding of OPEB trusts. It also expresses the

Entity PAYGO 2006 PAYGO 2007 ARC as a Percentage of PAYGO 2007

Allegany $749,310 $765,608

Anne Arundel* $34,225,840 $39,072,057 301%

Baltimore $25,100,000 $25,400,000

Baltimore City $120,646,000 $116,923,777 141%

Calvert n/ a $647,670 417%

Caroline n/ a $125,576

Carroll $1,674,165 $1,746,590 588%

Cecil* * $50,515 $52,425

Charles $845,633 $983,056 812%

Dorchester $249,007 $241,955 716%

Frederick $2,531,589 $2,624,502 528%

Garrett n/ a $403,074

Harford n/ a $1,244,031 1141%

Howard $1,678,917 $1,921,775

Kent* n/ a $367,788

Montgomery $21,587,860 $23,924,080 432%

Prince George's $18,000,000 $19,700,000 320%

Queen Anne's n/ a $403,037

St. Mary's $1,248,602 $1,338,914 345%

Talbot n/ a $317,612

Washington $333,146 $171,867

Wicomico n/ a $648,863

Worcester n/ a $640,077

Maryland’s State and Local Retirement Benefit Liabilities

23

OPEB trust prefunding as a percentage of a county’s ARC. This provides some

insight into what the various prefunding figures actually mean. Note that this is

not an exhaustive list; just because a county is not listed here does not mean that it

has not designated any money for prefunding of an OPEB trust. Furthermore,

since many of these figures are taken from annual reports, they do not necessarily

represent the entire balance of any prefunding; for example, Baltimore City’s actuarial

report states that FY 2008’s funding is $76 million, indicating that there may

be additional prefunding that has been set aside in previous years.

Table 7 – Prefunding of OPEB Trusts

* The ARC is unknown.

Source: County Actuarial Valuations and County CAFRs

It is important to note that unless OPEB trust prefunding has actually been

placed into an irrevocable trust, it is not secure. Prefunding that has been "designated"

for an OPEB trust from a previous year’s budget surplus can easily be designated

for another purpose in the next year.46 For this reason, GASB 45 only

allows funds that have been set aside in an irrevocable trust to count as assets

against OPEB liabilities.

Montgomery County has been playing similar games with its $3 billion retiree

health care liabilities. In the county, which has promised to pay $3 billion in

46 For this reason, GASB 45 only

allows funds that have been set aside in an irrevocable trust to count as assets

against OPEB liabilities.

Montgomery County has been playing similar games with its $3 billion retiree

health care liabilities. In the county, which has promised to pay $3 billion in

46. For example, in order to cover budget shortfalls, the State of Maryland recently

drew $100 million from a fund that had been "designated" to pay for OPEB

liabilities (AFSCME MD, Voice Spring 2008, 7). In another instance, Howard

County’s FY 2006 CAFR states, "The County… has designated $30 million from

the FY 2006 surplus for this liability." The FY 2007 CAFR, however, states, "The

County… has designated $15 million from the FY 2007 surplus for this

liability." It is unclear what happened to the original $30 million earmarked for

OPEB liabilities.

Voice Spring 2008, 7). In another instance, Howard

County’s FY 2006 CAFR states, "The County… has designated $30 million from

the FY 2006 surplus for this liability." The FY 2007 CAFR, however, states, "The

County… has designated $15 million from the FY 2007 surplus for this

liability." It is unclear what happened to the original $30 million earmarked for

OPEB liabilities.

Entity Prefunding Prefunding as a Percentage of ARC

Anne Arundel $5,000,000 4%

Baltimore $156,300,000 105%

Baltimore City $76,000,000 46%

Calvert $647,670 24%

Carroll $3,000,000 29%

Frederick $6,530,983 47%

Harford County Public Schools $12,126,000 39%

Howard $15,000,000 28%

Prince George's $25,000,000 40%

St. Mary's $10,000,000 217%

Talbot $6,350,000 *

Wicomico $210,000 9%

Passing the Buck: Maryland’s Unfunded Liabilities for State and Local Retirees

24

health care benefits to retirees, government officials accepted the advice of consultants

who urged the county to nearly quadruple the amount it sets aside to

cover this commitment. Nevertheless, the county council voted to delay this full

funding for five years. Now the council, which claims wide legal latitude, is considering

whether to postpone it for another three years. "The biggest issue is the

lack of standards in regards to government pensions," said Timothy L. Firestine,

Chief Administrative Officer in Montgomery County. "You can make up your

assumptions as you go.’"47

47

The Council thereupon agreed to stretch the amortization from five years to

eight, thus, according to County Executive Leggett, "free[ing] up tax supported

resources that can be invested in preserving existing services."48 This is a euphemism

for ‘kicking the can down the road.’ In Montgomery County, "pension and

health care costs are already higher than the combined budgets for the departments

of transportation and human resources."49 Baltimore City for its part in

2007 set aside only $15 million as an annual contribution toward the City’s $2.9

billion retiree health deficit, and confided its management to the Employees

Retirement System, the least capable of the City’s two pension boards.50

48 This is a euphemism

for ‘kicking the can down the road.’ In Montgomery County, "pension and

health care costs are already higher than the combined budgets for the departments

of transportation and human resources."49 Baltimore City for its part in

2007 set aside only $15 million as an annual contribution toward the City’s $2.9

billion retiree health deficit, and confided its management to the Employees

Retirement System, the least capable of the City’s two pension boards.50

49 Baltimore City for its part in

2007 set aside only $15 million as an annual contribution toward the City’s $2.9

billion retiree health deficit, and confided its management to the Employees

Retirement System, the least capable of the City’s two pension boards.50

50

MUNICIPALITIES

UNICIPALITIES

In addition to the OPEB liabilities of the various county governments and their

component units, Maryland’s municipalities will have their own OPEB liabilities.

Excluding Baltimore City, there are 156 incorporated municipalities in Maryland.

Table 8 provides the 2007 PAYGO amounts for the four largest municipalities

other than Baltimore City, each estimated to have between 50,000 and 60,000 residents.

Table 8 – OPEB PAYGO for Four Municipalities

Source: City CAFRs

47. "The Other Retirement Nightmare," May 11, 2008, available at:

www.financialarmageddon.com/the_retirement_system.

48. FY 2009 Recommended Operating Budget, County Executive, p. 9.

49. David Cho, "Growing Deficits Threaten Pensions: Accounting Tactics Conceal a

Crisis for Public Workers," The Washington Post, May 11, 2008, p. A-1.

50. S. Janis, "City faces $2.9 billion gap in retiree health benefits," Baltimore

Examiner, June 14, 2007, p. 8.

The Washington Post, May 11, 2008, p. A-1.

50. S. Janis, "City faces $2.9 billion gap in retiree health benefits," Baltimore

Examiner, June 14, 2007, p. 8.

Baltimore

Examiner, June 14, 2007, p. 8.

, June 14, 2007, p. 8.

Entity PAYGO Beneficiaries

City of Frederick $1,491,000 375

City of Gaithersburg $193,453 27

City of Rockville $60,723 14

City of Bowie $8,896 2

Maryland’s State and Local Retirement Benefit Liabilities

25

Of these four municipalities, only Gaithersburg’s CAFR provides any detailed

information about the implementation of GASB 45. Gaithersburg estimates its

OPEB liability to be $9,788,000 at an 8.0 percent discount rate. The city established

a trust fund for OPEB in April 2007 and made an initial contribution of

$2,552,050 to the fund. While Gaithersburg has clearly been proactive in addressing

the implementation of GASB 45, as a whole, the progress of Maryland’s municipalities

in addressing their OPEB liabilities is unclear and warrants concern.

CONCLUSION

ONCLUSION

Maryland’s OPEB liabilities must be addressed at all levels of government: state,

county, and municipal. The issue is likely to garner more attention over the next

year because GASB 45 will require entities with annual revenues in excess of $100

million to report their OPEB liabilities for the first time in FY 2008’s CAFRs.

While some governments have been proactively addressing the issue, even for

those governments that have set aside prefunding for an OPEB trust, the amounts

so designated are typically paltry when compared to the estimated ARC. While

some politicians might think it more palatable to simply continue funding OPEB

on a pay-as-you-go basis, the long-term costs of this approach are extremely high.

Furthermore, as previously noted, not addressing OPEB liabilities is likely to

adversely affect a government’s bond ratings, making it more expensive for that

government to borrow money.

One way to reduce OPEB liabilities is to reduce the benefits offered to employees

and retirees. First, governments can cut back on the OPEB offered to new

employees, which many governments have in fact already done. Second, governments

can establish cost-saving measures in their provision of OPEB, which may

mean reducing the OPEB being supplied to current and future retirees. For example,

most governments do not pay the full amount of a retiree’s health insurance

premium, but instead pay a portion prorated over the number of years of that

retiree’s service. These pro rata schedules could be adjusted to reduce the government’s

portion of the cost. However, employees need to know about this change

while they are still employed, so that they can adjust their retirement planning.

The legal viability of this second approach will vary from one government to

another. Some governments have made it clear that in their opinion, non-pension

retirement benefits are not guaranteed. For example, Prince George’s County states

in its FY 2007 CAFR: "Retirees have no vested rights to these benefits, which are

subject to modification during the budgetary process or by collective bargaining

agreement."51 However, depending upon the way in which the benefits were

enacted, the provision of OPEB might be considered a contract, which could create

legal difficulties in modifying the benefits. Moreover, the lack of vested rights

51 However, depending upon the way in which the benefits were

enacted, the provision of OPEB might be considered a contract, which could create

legal difficulties in modifying the benefits. Moreover, the lack of vested rights

51. Prince George’s County, 2007 Comprehensive Annual Financial Report, 67.

2007 Comprehensive Annual Financial Report, 67.

Passing the Buck: Maryland’s Unfunded Liabilities for State and Local Retirees

26

introduces considerable uncertainty and risk for employees, severely reducing the

OPEB’s value as compensation.

Some governments may be hesitant to establish irrevocable trusts to fund OPEB

liabilities because of the legal implications of such trusts. In Anne Arundel

County’s actuarial valuation, for example, it is asked if establishing an OPEB trust

might create a contractual or property right for employees and retirees to these

benefits.52 Furthermore, as the Pew report notes, "government officials wonder

what will happen to money that has been ‘irrevocably’ dedicated to retiree health

care if the federal government passes some kind of universal health insurance."53

52 Furthermore, as the Pew report notes, "government officials wonder

what will happen to money that has been ‘irrevocably’ dedicated to retiree health

care if the federal government passes some kind of universal health insurance."53

53

In July 2006, the Maryland General Assembly created the Blue Ribbon Commission

to Study Retiree Health-Care Funding Options. Active since 2007, the

purpose of the Commission is to obtain an actuarial valuation of the state’s OPEB

liabilities and to examine the legal obligations of the state regarding these benefits.

The commission, chaired by State Senator Edward J. Kasemeyer and Delegate

Melony G. Griffith, met twice in 2007, though no minutes of those meetings were

kept. The commission is required to produce an interim report by the end of

2008, and a final report by the end of 2009. Michael Rubenstein of the Office of

Policy Analysis, also a staff member of the commission, stated that this year’s

interim report is unlikely to contain any substantive information, and instead will

likely be a simple overview of the commission’s activities thus far. There are currently

no drafts of this interim report available; however, one of Delegate Griffith’s

staff members stated that the commission is scheduled to meet at least once before

the end of the year.

In a time when governments are seeking to trim budgets wherever possible,

funding for OPEB liabilities is rarely high on the list of priorities. For example, on

October 15 Governor Martin O’Malley’s office indicated that the state will not be

making any additional contributions towards OPEB liabilities, thus saving $46

million. But while this is a savings in the short term, in the long term it simply

increases the cost of OPEB that the state, and ultimately taxpayers, will have to

bear. When OPEB liabilities are recognized in financial statements this fiscal year,

state and local governments that take the shortsighted position of refusing to fund

such liabilities are risking downgraded bonds, an increased cost of borrowing, and

severe budgetary difficulties in the coming years. 54

54

Gabriel J. Michael is a 2008 intern at the Maryland Public Policy Institute and a graduate

student at Yale University.

Gabriel J. Michael is a 2008 intern at the Maryland Public Policy Institute and a graduate

student at Yale University.

52. Anne Arundel County, GASB 45 Task Force Final Report, 13.

53. Promises with a Price, 50.

54. The Appendix for this report may be found online at http://www.mdpolicy.org/

research/pubID.215/pub_detail.asp.

GASB 45 Task Force Final Report, 13.

53. Promises with a Price, 50.

54. The Appendix for this report may be found online at http://www.mdpolicy.org/

research/pubID.215/pub_detail.asp.

Promises with a Price, 50.

54. The Appendix for this report may be found online at http://www.mdpolicy.org/

research/pubID.215/pub_detail.asp.

http://www.mdpolicy.org/

research/pubID.215/pub_detail.asp.

THE MARYLAND PUBLIC POLICY INSTITUTE

HE MARYLAND PUBLIC POLICY INSTITUTE

Founded in 2001, the Maryland Public Policy Institute is a nonpartisan public

policy research and education organization that focuses on state policy issues. Our

goal is to provide accurate and timely research analysis of Maryland policy issues

and market these findings to key primary audiences.

The mission of the Maryland Public Policy Institute is to formulate and promote

public policies at all levels of government based on the principles of free

enterprise, limited government, and civil society. The institute is a member of the

State Policy Network. In order to maintain objectivity and independence, the

institute accepts no government funding and does not perform contract research.

The Maryland Public Policy Institute is recognized as a 501(c)(3) research and

education organization under the Internal Revenue Code.

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responsibility. It is a tax-exempt 501(c)(3) organization.

The institute is named for George Calvert, founder of the Maryland colony and

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We invite you to visit us or attend an event or read or order a publication.
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The End of Exceptionalism
by George W. Liebmann

George W. LiebmannThe United States, we have been told by the President and by many defenders if American foreign policy, is an exceptional nation. It seeks no hegemony or empire, and has no history of so doing. Its institutions are self-correcting; the publication of scandal should be a cause of self-congratulation, for in other, unspecified, nations, such information would be repressed. To the extent that new government practices are without precedent, this is explained by the fact that the challenges to which they respond are without precedent, graver than any that our nation, or by inference any other, has faced in the past.

In this scheme of things, only sentimentalists will be concerned with international treaties or conventions, or the complaints of agencies like the International Red Cross or Amnesty International. This is so even though the Geneva Conventions received more than lip service in a number of conflicts far more sanguinary than that we now face. The competence of a judiciary without 'expert' knowledge of foreign threats and conditions is derided, even by some of its own members. Inconvenient statutory language limiting detentions of citizens without trial is held irrelevant, being directed at past 'civilian' abuses and not justified in light of today's compelling 'military' needs. This is so even though we and our allies are not threatened with invasion or occupation, as we have been in the past, by the enormous armies of a modern state, nor by internal terror like that twice visited on the City of London and on a myriad of German industrialists and Italian politicians by the I.R.A., the Red Army Faction, and the Baader-Meinhof gang.

The exceptionalism that is celebrated, however, rests in no small measure on the institutional restraints created by men who entertained no illusions about human nature, including the nature of homo americanus. Mr. Jefferson, who in his view of political behavior was one of the more optimistic among the founders, once expressed the hope that the "books ...used for teaching children to read shall be such as will at the same time make them acquainted with Grecian, Roman, English and American history. History... will enable them to know ambition under whatever guise it may assume, and, knowing it, to defeat its views."

The exceptional structure of government that was created, as Justice Brandeis memorably said, was designed "not to avoid friction, but by reason of the inevitable friction incident to the distribution of the governmental powers... to save the people from autocracy."

These strictures have been held to have relevance even during the exigencies of war. Mr. Justice Jackson, who thought more deeply about wartime problems than any other modern justice, nonetheless declared in the Youngstown case involving a steel strike in the midst of the Korean emergency, that "when the President takes measures incompatible with the expressed or implied will of Congress, his power is at its lowest ebb... men have discovered no technique for long preserving free government except that the Executive be under the law, and that the law be made by parliamentary deliberations." As for the courts, Jackson observed in two other opinions that "emergency powers are consistent with free government only when their control is lodged elsewhere than in the Executive that exercises them ." "[P]rocedural due process... must be a specialized responsibility within the competence of the judiciary on which they do not bend before political branches of the government, as they should on matters of policy."

The late Philip Kurland, one of the more careful students of the modern Constitution, noted that in his time, respect for federalism and the separation of powers had been swept aside in America. In his view, all that was left of the original safeguards was the rule of law, the notion that "government not act except according to preestablished rule, that it apply the rule according to preestablished procedure, and that the same rule be applicable to all."

Under this analysis, the administration's failing, two years on from September 11, is not merely found in disregard of the non-detention statute relating to citizens that was inspired by the Japanese relocation cases, nor in failure to extend to long-term detainees, in the British manner, some procedural protections . The failure to provide for defined administrative review of any kind for those detained far from battlefields is a serious transgression;. defined procedures were not to be expected in the days following the shock of 9/11, but two years on, excuses have run out. But the worst offense is found in the impugning of treaty rules and the subsequent failure to provide any publicly declared rules of conduct at all, for the victors or the vanquished . 'Night and fog' has descended on the detention camps, with consequences that are plain for all to see. It is not the absence of constitutional law, but the absence of even administrative law, that has given rise to this transgression. When one inspects the administration's Supreme Court briefs in the Hamdi and Padilla cases and in the Guantanamo case, one finds references to no published guidelines, treaties, and regulations. Instead, we are told only of internal military reviews, conducted by unidentified and unspecified officials, and described only in snatches of speeches and press releases.

Small wonder it is that uneducated troops in the field consider that they are governed by no rules save those deriving from force and generated by vengeance and fear. From them, we have learned of what Justice Frankfurter called "the generative force of unchecked disregard of the restrictions that fence in even the most disinterested assertion of authority." As Justice Holmes said in a different context "When the ignorant are taught to doubt, they know not what they may safely believe." There will be much caterwauling about and myriad investigations designed to identify the particular military intelligence or military police general who will be made to sacrifice his or her career in atonement for what has occurred. As a lawyer, I find myself not much interested in the fate of these persons. Those who should walk the plank are the Attorney General of the United States and the General Counsel of the Department of Defense.

George W. Liebmann is a member of the Baltimore bar, is the author of a number of books on law and public policy, most recently Neighborhood Futures: Citizen Rights and Local Control (Transaction Books, 2004).

 

© 2003 American Conservative Union Foundation 1007 Cameron Street, Alexandria, VA 22314 Tel: 703.836.8602


 
Opinion

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Governor Palin’s pension party

By George W. Liebmann
Guest Columnist 11/2/08

This writer has long taken an interest in Maryland’s pension funds. Recently, while investigating the adventures of Gov. Martin O’Malley, who recently acquiesced in the removal of any percentage limit on the compensation of hedge fund managers, I came upon pension fund adventurism in Gov. Sarah Palin’s Alaska.

Alaska has an $8.6 billion defined benefit pension deficit, arising from a plan since abolished. This is astonishing for a small state —about $10,000 for each Alaskan. Palin was not responsible either for the deficit or for Alaska’s wise shift to defined contribution plans. However, she in April signed a plan by which the state will try to gamble its way out by issuing $5 billion in pension bonds. The first tranche of these bonds comes to market next month, safely after the election.

The way governors and presidents deal with liabilities like pension and Medicare deficits says whether they are hit-and-run politicians or men and women who plan for the future; whether they are shallow opportunists or persons with a thought- out political and fiscal philosophy.

Pension bonds have been characterized by Gov. Jon Corzine of New Jersey as "the dumbest idea I’ve ever heard. It’s speculating the way I would have speculated in my bond position at Goldman Sachs." Various readers of the Juneau Empire paid their respects to the proposal while it was before Gov. Palin for signature: "When you are in debt borrowing more money to gamble with is not an adult way to deal with your financial obligations"; "this smells of Enron, no?"; "a state as rich as Alaska with huge budget surpluses shouldn’t be playing this shell game"; "makes me think of the sub-prime mortgage mess, given the volatility of the world markets makes me grit my teeth"; "the fund managers will make money regardless."

Pension bonds rest on the notion that funds can out-gamble the market, while paying underwriting fees and commissions to fund managers, and can make large profits to fund existing obligations, while also paying off the bonds, with interest. Several governments, including New Jersey under Gov. Christine Todd Whitman, have cause to regret their use. To be sure, every defined benefit fund makes investments. But it does so out of flows of contributions, not from the proceeds of borrowing. Trying to fund deficits through borrowing is essentially a game of double or nothing.

Even conventional pension funds are weighted down by hordes of rent-seekers: Brokers; advisers obtaining commissions, both fixed and contingent (annual commissions of 2 percent of capital and 20 percent of earnings are common for hedge fund managers); advocacy groups like Jesse Jackson’s Wall Street Project seeking preferences; campaign contributors seeking investments in in-state projects; neo-conservatives seeking boycotts of disfavored foreign countries (Gov. Palin in her debate boasted of her submission to these pressures). For this reason, America already has several hundred billion dollars in unfunded pension liabilities.

Some funds provide examples of ‘crony capitalism’ that has been the curse of Russia and of Mexico. Alan Greenspan observed of proposals for direct federal investments in private markets, "with such financial leverage at the government’s disposal, I could readily imagine the abuses that might occur." The Alaska fund has recently invested $229 million in 41 parcels of agricultural land in 15 states, including orange groves in Florida, farmland in 15 states, and pistachio groves in California. There may be a piece of Alaska near you. Such investments lack liquidity, accountability, and transparency, nor do their managers work for free.

Alaskan public finance has a third-world flavor. The state distributes surpluses derived from energy taxes in per-capita payments, largesse falling equally on local patriots and benefit migrants, the sober and the inebriated. The pension deficit has not inhibited these festivities, Gov. Palin casting herself in the role of Lady Bountiful, or, as she put it in her inaugural speech, Nanook of the North.

Yet Alaska is a high-cost oil producer whose production peaked in 1988; price fluctuations can leave it high and dry. Its rainy-day Permanent Fund does not approach in magnitude those of Norway and Alberta, who have wisely paid down pension obligations.

When Gov. Palin goes to the casino, she uses mighty large chips. Not for her is the fiscal conservatism of a Robert Taft, who, when he departed the Ohio legislature for Washington, left behind a system of bond referenda that made Ohio a low-debt, low-tax state for decades. It is said that Sen. Taft’s favorite recreation was not moose-hunting or shooting wolves from aircraft but rather family picnics, at which five-cent chocolate bars were distributed as favors. The favors to be distributed at Gov. Palin’s pension party are apt, alas, to be more lavish.

George Liebmann is volunteer executive director of the Calvert Institute for Policy Research in Baltimore and co-author of “Maryland's Unfunded Liabilities for State and Local Retirees,” recently released by the Maryland Public Policy Institute and the Calvert Institute. 

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Anti-Terror To Pro-Liberty
by George Liebmann
Issue 119 - November 5, 2008

The present financial crisis should prompt the reflection that the greatest dangers to America arise not from external threats but from what we do to ourselves. Although both presidential candidates have sounded uncertain trumpets, there must surely be an end to our fixation on ‘Islamic terrorism’ as the major national problem rather than an irritant, but if addressed with a sanity heretofore often absent, only an irritant. With the campaigns safely over, it is now safe to say that the much greater threat is to our own liberties.

In the immediate aftermath of 9/11, a former member of the Reagan administration remarked to me that the late President’s reaction would probably have been to emphasize the protection of liberty rather than security as the highest goal. Our leaders instead chose the opposite course, in the process propagating a ‘great fear’ with their ‘red, yellow, green’; alert system, acquiescing in and encouraging the fortification of even mid-size office buildings in provincial cities, and permitting an event staged by twenty suicide bombers with box-cutters, five years in the planning, to rearrange the American budget, foreign policy, and Constitution.

The broad extent of the measures taken might have been justified had the attacks come from a resurgent Russia or Germany. As a response to a plot hatched by isolated fanatics in caves in Afghanistan they were, to put it mildly, wildly disproportionate.

The illusion that these measures have ‘kept us safe’ ignores the purposes and aims of terrorism. Terrorism is a weapon of the weak. Properly dealt with, it isolates them further by exciting moral disapprobation and denying them sympathizers. Terrorism succeeds only if its targets allow themselves to be terrorized and alter their behavior in important ways. A cardinal principle in dealing with terrorists is not to make martyrs of them, thereby gaining them sympathizers. A second principle is not to assist them in reaching their objective: a weakened economy and a brittle, unpopular, and vulnerable centralized state

Martyrs we have produced in quantity: the naked prisoners of Abu Ghairab; the victims of torture and prolonged detention who have made belated appearances in American courts; two million Iraqi refugees and five million persons displaced within Iraq.

Our European friends, often much derided, have understood the basic principles. The British endured decades of terrorism from an Irish Republican Army indistinguishable from the rest of their population, and thereafter from native Muslims in the London transit system. They have forsworn prolonged detention without trial, having learned in Northern Ireland that it is counter-productive. Their Conservative party resisted efforts to extend periods of executive detention beyond 28 days. Their courts, unlike ours, have released numerous individuals found to have been improvidently accused; that some go on to commit bad acts is accepted as a normal consequence of a functioning justice system; their appellate courts, unlike ours, have not become citadels of delay and procrastination. The Germans have kept the system of provincial control of criminal justice that we insisted on in the post-war occupation, and did not panic in the face of a program of systematic assassinations of political leaders and industrialists carried on by the Baader-Meinhof Gang and Red Army Faction.

No British or European politician has proclaimed a purpose of the fight against terrorism to democratize the Middle East by force. None entertains the illusion that democracies are more pacific than dictatorships; there is too much in their own history to the contrary. They have not sought, openly or by stealth, to further centralize their policing institutions; unlike the American administration’s attempts, repudiated by Congress, to facilitate federalization of the National Guard and eliminate Senate influence over the choice of U.S. Attorneys. No European government has promulgated a series of morbid executive orders relating to succession to public office in the event of calamity, recognizing that the ability of local and provincial leaders to step into any breach is one of the features that give free governments strength. Neither the British nor the Germans have forgotten the central principle of Magna Charta and the due process clauses of the fifth and fourteenth amendments: that ‘liberty’ in the constitutional sense does not mean abortion rights or ‘gay rights’, or even a particular definition of property rights, but freedom from arbitrary confinement by the executive . As former Chairman Greenspan recently put it, "to be largely free of fear of a secret police arbitrarily hauling us off for interrogation for ‘crimes’ we never knew existed is something not to be taken for granted."

Let us hope that the new president founds national strength not on military action abroad and excessive executive power at home but on self-control abroad, law at home, and on the improvement of the education of the people. Let us hope that he fosters what De Tocqueville called "that salutary fear which makes men keep watch and ward for freedom, not ... that infirm and idle terror which depresses and enervates the heart."

George W. Liebmann, a Baltimore lawyer, is volunteer executive director of the Calvert Institute for Policy Research and the author of Diplomacy Between the Wars: Five Diplomats and the Shaping of the Modern World (Palgrave Macmillam, 2008).


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Marylands School Follies by George W. Liebmann (Baltimore Examiner, April 14, 2005, pg.25:

The overriding of Gov. Ehrlich
s veto of legislation thwarting the State Board of Education
s takeover of a dozen Baltimore schools leaves both the State and City without a legislated strategy for educational improvement.

For the last ten years, there have been two strategies for school progress.

The State Department of Education
s strategy, like that of the No Child Left BehindAct sponsored by the Bush administration, was a blueprint for top-down
reform. Students were to be tested, using centrally-prepared tests. Teachers and schools were to be threatened with takeovers and other sanctions by higher levels of government where satisfactory results were not obtained. The threat of these sanctions was supposed to produce improvement.

In Maryland, this approach was enthusiastically implemented by Supt. Nancy Grasmick. . The introduction of any new testing program, whether for geometry or basket-weaving, produces several years of dramatically rising test scores, celebrated by the testers. In the first year, no one knows anything about the test, and sometimes, as with MSPAP, nothing about what is tested.. In the second year, teachers
teach to the test
. In the next two or three years, scores improve, then stagnate. The game then resumes, with a new set of tests. The Superintendent has been at this for a dozen years, and on any fair reading, school performance, measured by external criteria like SAT scores, is no better than when she took office. This does not mean that the tests lie. Baltimore schools are as bad as the tests say they are. But the testing regime does not improve schools.

The second strategy is that of the teachers
unions, aided and abetted by such political leadersas Gov. Glendening, Senate President Miller, Speaker Busch, and Mayor OMalley, supplemented by the efforts of two judges who are neither humble nor well informed. This involves pouring more money into the schools, vast amounts of money. The Baltimore school reformlegislation, together with the Thornton Plan have more than doubled per capita pending in Baltimore City, and have more or less equalizedspending as between subdivisions. The cost of the state school construction program has risen more than tenfold since the end of the Hughes administration. A new unfunded mandate has been enacted to improve teachers
pensions.

What this has bought is a large increase in the number of teachers, and hence of union members, and somewhat smaller class sizes. The teachers, however, by grace of the state
s certification rules, tend to be drawn in disproportionate measure from the weakest graduates of the weakest colleges. Hiring more of them requires dipping deeper into a dubious barrel. The federal courts efforts on behalf of special education have resulted in the mandated hiring of a profusion of record-keepers who do not enter the classroom at all. The state school construction program relieves suburban developers of infrastructure costs and, by grace of the prevailing wage law imposed on schools by the Glendening administration, subsidizes the construction unions. The new pension improvements are retroactive, and disproportionately benefit teachers who have retired, or are just about to. Their effect on the recruitment of new teachers is minimal; since the plans are defined benefit plans, younger teachers see no growing pot of savings and are little influenced by promises of pie in the sky when you [are about to] die
.

The two sets of policies in combination have toxic effects.

The state mandates deprive the best teachers of creativity and discretion, rendering them subject to the latest vogue in testing or curriculum design. In the elementary schools, reading and math teachers are today
s flavor of the month; the others are marginalized. MSPAP stressed techniques; other tests stress information. Phonics and rote memory reading programs come and go, as do the oldand the newmath. Teachers are treated as marionettes on a string, not responsible professionals. They rapidly learn to play the old Army game
and burn out quickly.

The union-Democratic agenda for its part sops up every dollar that might be employed for a useful purpose, like extra pay for science and math teachers. The requirement of nearly a year of education courses for teachers, two years for principals, and three years for superintendents excludes from the teaching force liberal arts graduates, career-changing professionals, returning housewives, retiring military officers and civil servants, college teachers with a concern for the high schools, and scientists who decide that research is not their vocation. Seniority systems with
bumping rights
and automatic annual pay increments insure that the most experienced and highly paid teachers wind up in the least troublesome schools, and that under-rewarded younger teachers who are acquiring children and mortgages leave the teaching force in droves. Huge county-wide systems proliferate administrators and guarantee that roofs are not promptly repaired, nor textbooks promptly delivered, and that parent and civic volunteers are repelled as public menaces and threats to the union structure.

Yet the charade goes on. The Pattersons and Grasmicks have buildings named after them, while even once-distinguished schools like City, Poly, and Western are denied their own governing boards, lack the salary supplements to hire computer science teachers, of whom they have none, and are subjected to a relentless levelling-down process.

However, though few Marylanders know it, there is a third path for school improvement. It was mapped out by a recent state commission, following foreign examples. It is a program for bottom-up reform. It urges differential pay for scarce disciplines and unusual skills; an end or drastic reduction in seniority-based pay and assignment structures; an opening of schools and school leadership to liberal arts graduates, private-sector managers, retirees, and others with relevant experience; adequate means to purge bad teachers; greater parent and community involvement in building-level governance; defined-contribution portable pensions; and a really adequate charter-school law, one looking toward a system like that of several foreign countries where all schools are governed as charter schools. Its chairman was not Ehrlich nor O
Malley, nor Copeland or Grasmick, still less Miller or Busch. The public needs to hear about the recommendations of the Steele Commission. Let us hope its leader finds his voice.





George W. Liebmann, a Baltimore lawyer, is the volunteer executive director of the Calvert Instuite for Policy Research, Inc.


s School Follies
by George W. Liebmann (Baltimore Examiner, April 14, 2005, pg.25:

The overriding of Gov. Ehrlich
s veto of legislation thwarting the State Board of Education
s takeover of a dozen Baltimore schools leaves both the State and City without a legislated strategy for educational improvement.

For the last ten years, there have been two strategies for school progress.

The State Department of Education
s strategy, like that of the No Child Left BehindAct sponsored by the Bush administration, was a blueprint for top-down
reform. Students were to be tested, using centrally-prepared tests. Teachers and schools were to be threatened with takeovers and other sanctions by higher levels of government where satisfactory results were not obtained. The threat of these sanctions was supposed to produce improvement.

In Maryland, this approach was enthusiastically implemented by Supt. Nancy Grasmick. . The introduction of any new testing program, whether for geometry or basket-weaving, produces several years of dramatically rising test scores, celebrated by the testers. In the first year, no one knows anything about the test, and sometimes, as with MSPAP, nothing about what is tested.. In the second year, teachers
teach to the test
. In the next two or three years, scores improve, then stagnate. The game then resumes, with a new set of tests. The Superintendent has been at this for a dozen years, and on any fair reading, school performance, measured by external criteria like SAT scores, is no better than when she took office. This does not mean that the tests lie. Baltimore schools are as bad as the tests say they are. But the testing regime does not improve schools.

The second strategy is that of the teachers
unions, aided and abetted by such political leadersas Gov. Glendening, Senate President Miller, Speaker Busch, and Mayor OMalley, supplemented by the efforts of two judges who are neither humble nor well informed. This involves pouring more money into the schools, vast amounts of money. The Baltimore school reformlegislation, together with the Thornton Plan have more than doubled per capita pending in Baltimore City, and have more or less equalizedspending as between subdivisions. The cost of the state school construction program has risen more than tenfold since the end of the Hughes administration. A new unfunded mandate has been enacted to improve teachers
pensions.

What this has bought is a large increase in the number of teachers, and hence of union members, and somewhat smaller class sizes. The teachers, however, by grace of the state
s certification rules, tend to be drawn in disproportionate measure from the weakest graduates of the weakest colleges. Hiring more of them requires dipping deeper into a dubious barrel. The federal courts efforts on behalf of special education have resulted in the mandated hiring of a profusion of record-keepers who do not enter the classroom at all. The state school construction program relieves suburban developers of infrastructure costs and, by grace of the prevailing wage law imposed on schools by the Glendening administration, subsidizes the construction unions. The new pension improvements are retroactive, and disproportionately benefit teachers who have retired, or are just about to. Their effect on the recruitment of new teachers is minimal; since the plans are defined benefit plans, younger teachers see no growing pot of savings and are little influenced by promises of pie in the sky when you [are about to] die
.

The two sets of policies in combination have toxic effects.

The state mandates deprive the best teachers of creativity and discretion, rendering them subject to the latest vogue in testing or curriculum design. In the elementary schools, reading and math teachers are today
s flavor of the month; the others are marginalized. MSPAP stressed techniques; other tests stress information. Phonics and rote memory reading programs come and go, as do the oldand the newmath. Teachers are treated as marionettes on a string, not responsible professionals. They rapidly learn to play the old Army game
and burn out quickly.

The union-Democratic agenda for its part sops up every dollar that might be employed for a useful purpose, like extra pay for science and math teachers. The requirement of nearly a year of education courses for teachers, two years for principals, and three years for superintendents excludes from the teaching force liberal arts graduates, career-changing professionals, returning housewives, retiring military officers and civil servants, college teachers with a concern for the high schools, and scientists who decide that research is not their vocation. Seniority systems with
bumping rights
and automatic annual pay increments insure that the most experienced and highly paid teachers wind up in the least troublesome schools, and that under-rewarded younger teachers who are acquiring children and mortgages leave the teaching force in droves. Huge county-wide systems proliferate administrators and guarantee that roofs are not promptly repaired, nor textbooks promptly delivered, and that parent and civic volunteers are repelled as public menaces and threats to the union structure.

Yet the charade goes on. The Pattersons and Grasmicks have buildings named after them, while even once-distinguished schools like City, Poly, and Western are denied their own governing boards, lack the salary supplements to hire computer science teachers, of whom they have none, and are subjected to a relentless levelling-down process.

However, though few Marylanders know it, there is a third path for school improvement. It was mapped out by a recent state commission, following foreign examples. It is a program for bottom-up reform. It urges differential pay for scarce disciplines and unusual skills; an end or drastic reduction in seniority-based pay and assignment structures; an opening of schools and school leadership to liberal arts graduates, private-sector managers, retirees, and others with relevant experience; adequate means to purge bad teachers; greater parent and community involvement in building-level governance; defined-contribution portable pensions; and a really adequate charter-school law, one looking toward a system like that of several foreign countries where all schools are governed as charter schools. Its chairman was not Ehrlich nor O
Malley, nor Copeland or Grasmick, still less Miller or Busch. The public needs to hear about the recommendations of the Steele Commission. Let us hope its leader finds his voice.





George W. Liebmann, a Baltimore lawyer, is the volunteer executive director of the Calvert Instuite for Policy Research, Inc.



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